Killjoys In Translation

Below is the text of a lecture I gave for a symposium Feminist, Queer Translation, Affect and Decoloniality on February 28th 2025, University of Birmingham. It is lightly edited for clarity, with some references added. Thanks to Michaela Baldo, Elena Basile and Samuele Grassi for curating such a special event.

I dedicate this post to all the killjoy translators out there!  Thank you for all the work and all the creativity!

I want to begin with Chicana Palestinan feminist Sarah Ihmoud’s important question “What does it mean to practice feminism in a moment of bearing witness to genocide?” We can be guided by that question. Translation too can be guided by that question. We make our practice that witnessing, the proliferation of witnessing, to translate, to move something, to transform, to mutate, and thus also, to keep alive.

When Israel murdered Rafaat Alareer, Palestinian poet and scholar, on December 6, 2023, his poem, “If I Must Die,” was translated into many different languages, quickly, urgently, translating as a way of fulfilling an instruction, of receiving a message, that if he must die, then we must live to tell that story.  Salih J. Altoma notes that the poem too “has a story.” He explains that “If I Must Die,” was one of only a small number of poems Alareer wrote in English. Altoma quotes Alareer who explains “we need to train ourselves to express our concerns in the target language, here English…. Palestinians who are able to speak for themselves in other languages should do that directly.” English becomes a “target language” because of the need to get the message to as many people as possible.

Translation can be an expansion of reach; more trails, more tales.

And a poem can be a gift of many images.

Alareer gives us an image of a piece of cloth, and some strings, becoming a kite, “flying up above,” so that a child somewhere in Gaza, might see it and “thinks for a moment an angel is there, bringing back love.”  That cloth, those strings, words strung together, becomes a story we live to keep telling.  Rafaat’s story, yes; but also, as Yousef M. Aljamal described in his preface to the posthumously published book If I Must Die, “the story of a people under a brutal regime, who have been fighting for their freedom by any means necessary.”

The poem, “If I must die,” to write as to fight for freedom, has had and will have many lives, entering different languages, and also different zones; poems becoming placards, placards, kites, lines, the snap of slogans, stories carried onto the streets, taking up space; poetry, persistence, protest.

How to speak amidst so much shattering?  Returning to Sarah Ihmoud, she writes precisely of the need to speak through grief, to break out of ‘this  غصة/ ghassa, this lump in our throat that keeps us from speaking, and to speak loud and courageously into the wind.” I hear an echo of Audre Lorde who teaches us that what makes it difficult to speak is why we need to do so.

I want to pause here and acknowledge that there is so much that is difficult right now, so much that is depressing and exhausting. Even using the words to name what’s happening right now puts you at odds with what is happening right now, words like genocide, treated as extremism, words like transphobia, treated as censoring. The reasons for doing the work can sometimes be confirmed by the consequences of doing it.  When they try to stop you, doing what you are doing, being who you are being, we need others all the more, to lend a hand, to carry that weight.

We need to become each other’s resources. Today I want to think about that need for translation as a resourcing for movement, not just how we keep each other’s words alive, the work alive, but how we speak courageously into the wind despite being warned of the consequences of doing so.

Going Back

After I agreed to share some thoughts for this event, I did point out to Michela that I don’t work on translation. Yes, I was making a rather anxious point. It seems rather strange to be giving a keynote for an event on translation with many of you who are in fact translators, doing that work. The labour of translation is, of course, shared. And it matters practically. So much of our activism requires finding a way to communicate across our differences -or with them. So, I will offer some reflections on what I have learnt from being translated as well as on how translation has come up in my work, whether explicitly or not.

Thinking about how translation has come up explicitly meant going back over some old trails.  And funnily enough, in my 2006 book, Queer Phenomenology, when I first began writing of old trails and well-worn paths, I related going back and looking back to translation. I wrote then, “looking back…this glance also means an openness to the future, as the imperfect translation of what is behind us.”

I had thought the first time I wrote about translation, or to be more specific wrote about Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak writing about translating Mahasweta Devi into English, was in my book, Strange Encounters, published in 2000, 25 years ago.  I had forgotten that I had written about Spivak and Devi in my PhD thesis that became my first book, Differences that Matter published 2 years before that. So, I have been travelling with translation from the beginning.  

I was inspired by how Spivak wrote of translation in her preface and afterword to Imaginary Maps. She writes,

I have, perhaps foolishly, attempted to open the structure of an impossible social justice glimpsed through remote and secret encounters with singular figures; to bear witness to the specificity of language, theme, and history as well as to supplement hegemonic notions of a hybrid global culture with this experience of an impossible global justice.

I think what really caught my attention was the idea of “secrets.” Spivak emphasises what does not get across, the imperfection of translation. The point of translation might be how it attunes us to limits, to know that however much we seek to learn about others, or from them, something does not move, something will remain secret.

Secrets are rather sensational. Looking back to this early work on strangers, those who are not at home, who are seen as out of place, as not from here or not really, I sense that translation might mattered less as a topic and more as a sense and situation. I can hear my younger feminist self, struggling to get out of theoretical languages and paradigms that I had adopted but was not quite at home in including I would say a certain style of postcolonial theorising.

I was not just writing about not being at home.

I was writing from not being at home.

I am going to shift now into a more personal register, which was not what I planned to do when I first began writing this lecture. Translation as a topic led me this way. As a writer I follow the words.

I think of English, my only language, the language of the coloniser, the language of world domination.

But is it my only language? Or was it? My mother is English, my father Pakistani. I have been told my first spoken words were in Urdu. That’s because my mother became very ill when I was around one year old. I was sent to Pakistan to be looked after by family there.  My first words were spoken to aunties and grandparents and cousins.

I don’t remember any of this myself. But my family has spoken of it often. And I have photos of me from then and there. The photos are in my mother’s album, currently in my sister’s house, in Adelaide.

This one is of me in Karachi from 1971.

Here’s another.

 

In this photo I am being held by one of my aunties with her children standing.  I look a little grumpy.

Somebody wrote on the back of the photo as if from me:

Am very fond of my aunties and cousins I was just in a little off mood.

This translation of my expression was probably meant to reassure my family back in England I was being looked after, not really sad just a little off. A killjoy-to-be, I would one day find my own way to express what it meant or felt to be off, whether a little or a lot.

Almost a year later my mother had recovered and I came back to England. I am told I confused my sister with my cousin. Even though I cannot remember any of this, even though I know I was loved and looked after through all of it, I understand the trauma of leaving homes and loved ones, not just once but twice, was not just my own.

As a family of five, we migrated to Australia a couple of years later, further away from not just from England and Pakistan but from my first words. They were forgotten. We did not speak Urdu or Punjabi at home. My father might possibly assumed English would be a passport out of a certain lot in life as immigrants, that speaking English would mean a brighter future, going up and away, not back.

Later, he came to regret this decision. We were told to learn the language and were given books and tapes. I didn’t. It was one of many of my father’s instructions that I refused. Of course, I now regret letting my rebellion from my father get in the way of learning the language.

But my father is not the point of the story. Where there was loss there was possibility, one that I had to grasp in another way. I came to have my own relationship to family in Pakistan. That was not only because my Aunties and I could speak to each other in English. My eldest aunt Gulzar Bano, was a feminist and human rights activist. This is a picture of us together from 1971.

Gulzar communicated her passion for justice to me in so many ways.  These are fragments from a letter she wrote to me on September 2nd 2011; she had written another letter the day before.

She begins with a reflection on the accident of birth and then makes a second reflection, “POVERTY IS A COMPREHENSIVE VIOLATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS.” I hear her voice in the capitalised letters: she was always willing to shout if that is what it took to be heard, even if that meant being heard as shouting.

Gulzar was also a poet. I am not sure why, I should have asked but never did, but Gulzar’s poems were mostly written in English.   Her poems ended up in anthologies such as Poetry of Pakistan.

Gulzar’s story of becoming a poet was entangled with Partition. She said, “I came from Lucknow to Lahore in a military special train without my parents in November 1947. My only piece of luggage included a few books and paintings. Intensive concentration as a single working woman in a large family made me neglect my aptitude for the arts. However, words can be drawn without paint and brushes. Often on notepapers here and there I started writing poems…. many of them lost.” Later Gulzar self-published a volume of poems, “Lost Found, Found Lost.”

Gulzar taught me there are many ways to work with words, using whatever materials we can find, given what has been lost or left behind.  It might be the impress of her hand on mine, that I came to be so enchanted with words, the sound of them, the rhythm; the rhyme, how words tell time. I became especially intrigued by how words move and mutate, how happiness, for instance, lost its hap or how diversity has been used so much that now all we seem to hear is the sound of busyness, that buzz; diversity as a buzz word. Of course, now, that sound of a buzz seems to have become more of an alarm.

If I had forgotten my first words, it does not mean they did not matter. Or do not matter. In Queer Phenomenology, I wrote about being a child from a mixed background, and how some of the most precious objects in my family home were old volumes of Shakespeare. They were precious to me not because they were classics of English literature but because of the story I had been told of how they came to be in my family’s hands; they were found in a house in Lahore that became their home after Partition.

Maybe translation is also a story of how objects travel, what comes with them, who comes with them.

In 2020, there was a special issue on Strange Encounters to mark 20 years since it was published. A dear friend of mine, a killjoy sister, Sirma Bilge wrote one of the pieces. And she wrote about what she found her in her book:

There are two dried silvery branches between the leaves of my used copy of Strange Encounters. They come from a Russian olive tree, olivier de Bohème. They were in blooms when I was in Turkey reading Strange Encounters that Summer. Their exhilarating sweet fragrance saturated the night. I took two tiny branches to have some morsel of Mediterranean Summer back in Montreal and put them in the book I was holding in my hands. I smuggled them in my book back to Canada, unremembering they were there. That souvenir from my home, from an ordinary tree on the street in Ayvalik, Turkey, was renamed strangely in the languages I used in Canada. It was attributed to other places, Russia and Bohemia. While rereading Strange Encounters during the lockdown, I have found the branches in-between the leaves of my copy. They had lost all their scent but kept their distinctive silver green leaves.

What a gift that Sirma happened to have my book in her hands so they could carry that morsel, that memory. Those dried silvery branches pressed in the pages of an old book carry more, even without scent they evoke places. When we move, worlds move with us even when some things are lost or things are given different names.

I love old books because of how past readers leave traces of themselves behind.  In my 2019 book, What’s the Use, I included this photograph from a page of a book on hands.

Why, I wondered then, did you circle that word.

I was left wondering because of what you left.

Translating Killjoys

What’s the Use also included this image of the well-used path.

Use can clear our way, making it easier to go way. We might be directed: go that way.  I used the path with different captions, which I guess was its own kind of translation project.  

The more a path is used, the more a path is used.

 

The more he is cited, the more he is cited.

Heterosexuality, a path that is kept clear.

A career can also be a path. Sometimes, we have to leave that path to realise what it meant to travel on it. I left a career path in 2016. I had been an academic. I would no longer one. I resigned to protest how my university had not addressed the problem of sexual harassment – or had addressed it, silently, quietly, hush, hush.  

Silence can be a wall.

I was resigning to protest the silence. So, it was important not to resign silently.  When I shared my reasons for resigning, addressing colleagues and killjoys then, as I am addressing you now, I shared information about what had been going on. To lift the lid, is to become a vandal, the cause of damage. I did not realise this at the time, but I had made it very unlikely I would be able to return to that academic path even I had wanted to.  I hope I would still have made the same decision if I had realised this.

I was still working on universities, but I was no longer at one. And I began to wonder if I needed to write differently, to write to readers without assuming the university as the go-between. I was thinking in a way about how translate some of my ideas into different more accessible forms. It might seem like a simple-enough switch: from academic books to trade books. But I have found the world of trade publishing confusing and disorientating as I guess most worlds are when you are not used to them.

I chose to write my first trade book with feminist killjoys. Why?  I had learnt from speaking of feminist killjoys, bringing them into the room, how people from different walks of life connected with that figure. I noticed how the atmosphere would change, becoming electric, snap, snap, sizzle.

The feminist killjoy became a communication device. Something about this figure translates very well.

The Feminist Killjoy Handbook, my first trade book, was also the first time I gave the feminist killjoys a book of their own although I had written about them many times before. I began their book by setting a scene: I am at a table with my family, having polite conversations, trying hard not to react to sexist comments made by my father. Invariably I would fail and end up saying I had a problem with what he said. And then, the atmosphere would change, becoming tense, as if I had created a problem rather than pointed one out. I heard these words often, ‘Sara, another dinner ruined!’

I became a killjoy because I was not quite willing or able to be silent or compliant to keep peace with a patriarch or to sustain the illusion that all was well. At times I did feel like I was on my own. Thinking back to my aunt Gulzar, so willing to shout her convictions, becoming a feminist killjoy was also another kind of inheritance, a path that led back to her. I was not alone even if I did not always know it.

I did not call myself a feminist killjoy back then.  The feminist killjoy is, in fact, a stereotype of feminists: those miserable feminists who make misery their mission. Misery is not our mission. So why claim the name? We claim that name because if doing the work causes misery, that is what we might need to cause.

When you claim that name for the work you do, you end up in conversation with other people who, like you, can hear in it a promise. I made the feminist killjoy’s book a handbook, because I think of it as a hand, a helping hand, an outstretched hand, also a handle, how we hold on to something.  I offer killjoy truths, which I also call hard-worn wisdoms, killjoy equations, killjoy commitments, and killjoy maxims as well as killjoy survival tips; my first tip to surviving as a feminist killjoy is to become one.

To become a feminist killjoy is to hear yourself in history. A history can be a handle. It can help to know that where we are others have been. One reader wrote to me , “I am a Feminist Killjoy, and I didn’t know these two words described everything I’ve ever been all my life.” The feminist killjoy offers another way of describing ourselves, being ourselves, and of finding each other, those who get it because they have been there, in that place.

The handbook took me to different places, I went on my first ever book tour. I loved sharing the work in independent book stores and feminist libraries being surrounded by feminist and queer walls like these ones from The Feminist Library and Gay’s the Word. It lightened the load to be surrounded by a history of feminist and queer activism! Walls can be wise. Or, we can choose our walls wisely.

 

To write a trade book, you need an agent who works between you and the publisher. And one unexpected and important consequence of having the rights of the book held by an agency (rather than handing world rights to a publisher) was that I became more involved with translations of my work. I ended up in direct correspondence with editors and translators from many different publishing houses, travelled to different places to talk about how killing joy can be a world making project including last year Spain, France, Poland and Italy. One form of travel can lead to another. When I travelling to talk about feminist killjoys, I was following a path they opened for me.  And I have been hearing about the conversations people had about how to translate the word killjoy.  Here are some translations.

Killjoy

Aguafiestas

Psujzabawa

Guastafeste

Rabat-joie

Oyunbozan

Pretbederver

If translation can be a form of travel, moving words and ideas between languages and not everything moves across, something else happens.   I was glad to read Magdalena Kunz’s preface to the Polish edition of The Feminist Killjoy Handbook. I could do this of course because they had translated her preface into English. Magdalena reflecting back on the difficult conversations they had about how to translate the killjoy; the road that led to settling on psujzabawa was, perhaps unsurprisingly, bumpy rather than smooth. It might tell us something about killjoys that they are hard translate!  Magdalena asks,

Did I ultimately love her as my own? Yes: psujzabawa is, after all, my translation child: wayward and stubborn – but that’s why she is so special and extremely dear to us. It’s not easy to persevere in a relationship with her: she comes and goes; she can be our sister, our dearest friend, a source of support and strength, a ray of hope; but she can also pick up, tear down and destroy, turn our world upside down without looking back. From time to time, you can step into her shoes, but it is impossible to become a psujzabawa once and for all.

Feminist killjoys: if we sometimes step into their shoes, they too might step on ours. So many steps in each journey. Each one, precious. Even an ouch. There are many steps in how feminist killjoys move through different translations.

After I shared a newsletter about different translations of “killjoy,” a Turkish feminist Irem Aydemir replied on social media. She said,

killjoy has been translated as “oyunbozan” (word by word translation: game ruiner) mostly in Turkish but I think “keyifkaçıran” (joy repellent) resonates more because this is exactly how I feel as a killjoy, this annoying feminist who makes people uncomfortable 🧹 but we also ruin the game of course!

 What I learn from translating killjoys is the important of feeling, that the task of moving the killjoy across different languages is also one of trying to capture the feelings that the figure embodies or the feelings we might have in embodying that figure. Sometimes words come out of us to express a feeling. We feel words. Words feel.

In Paris, I worked with translators Emma Bigé and Mabeuko Oberty in three events at a radical bookshop/community centre, a queer bookshop and an art gallery, back in March of last year. Emma and Mabueko co-translated posts from my blogs given the name “Queer Vandalism” as well as The Feminist Killjoy Handbook. There was an argument at one of the Paris events about whether the spirit of the killjoy was “caught” by the translation. I could not catch the words myself since I do not speak French. But I heard the heat of a tussle.

In a way, I think the killjoy is best translated in the arguments we might have about how to do that translation.

When we don’t agree on how to translate her, she moves.

The killjoy teaches us then that what make something “translatable” might be what makes it difficult to translate; translatability as difficulty.

It is important, however, not to reduce difficulty to the words or to present a too-happy version of what it might mean to encounter difficulties in practice. I had to withdraw from one event, a radical book fair in Rome because they had invited a man to speak who was on trial for domestic violence, with the director justifying the decision because he must be presumed innocent and therefore given the freedom to speak. I wrote a letter to Italian feminists on my newsletter:

In the past I have accepted platforms to speak in venues only to be told later that they were not accessible to the people I most wanted to address. I think of one time I gave a lecture at a university in a theatre that had been used earlier to discuss complaints about sexual violence. Some students told me they could not come to my lecture because they would be retraumatised by entering that space. It is one of my killjoy commitments to do what I can to make sure that the people most affected by the forms of power and violence discussed in my work can participate in discussions of it. I know there are some people who are not free, because of their experiences and commitments, to enter the space provided by Più libri più liberi. I thus cannot bring feminist killjoys to the fair.

Given translation involves many actors and organisations, it can involve relationships of trust that are hard to develop in a capitalist system based on profit and extraction. I have had translators write to me about not being paid properly,  not having their own work recognised as creative labour, not being given the opportunity to write prefaces so they can explain their contributions and creative choices.

One translator, who initiated the translation of the handbook, had to withdraw from it. She ended up removing her name from the work itself. She spoke of specific decisions the publishers made that she had to resist, or at least try to, which showed they did not only get the work but enacted what it critiqued.

One example was their proposal to translate the word “cop” in an Audre Lorde poem into “human being.” Cop to human: what a translation! Let’s give the problem its name: a racist translation.

She spoke also of how they wanted to polish the work even though it offered a critique of polishing. She spoke of she was kept being undermined, her views disparaged or disregarded.  She described,

Everything you write about in the book has come true in this process of translating it…. I haven’t expected so much trouble. The publishing house attitude to be critical, anti-racist and feminist, unfortunately is only there in theory, not about the way they act and work in practice.

There is so much killjoy truth in these words.

When we complain about what we encounter, we encounter what we complain about.

Translating No

Speaking of complaint, the title of my new book is No is Not a Lonely Utterance: The Art and Activism of Complaining. This is my second trade book. It draws on the research I first shared in my academic monograph Complaint! , interviews with students and academics who had made complaints about harassment, bullying or discrimination at universities.

I think of my method as becoming a feminist ear. To become a feminist ear is to give complaints somewhere to go.  An academic wrote to me, “I want my complaint to go somewhere rather than round and round in my head.” Round and round in my head: it can be a lot of movement not to get very far.  Complaints can also go round and round institutions: more movement not to get very far. One student described her complaint as an energy zapper.  I was reminded of the bunny in the old advert for Duracell batteries. When the batteries last long, you just spend more time going round and round.

To be a feminist ear is to hear how we are heard. I think of a conversation I had with a lesbian professor about the complaints she made and did not make over her career. She could hear herself complaining as she was talking about complaining. She said, “I am moaning now, I can feel that whining in my voice [makes whining sound].” I replied, “We have plenty to moan about.” We can hear the complainer arrive in our own voices as well as each other’s.  She then said “if you have a situation and you make a complaint, then you are the woman who complains, the lesbian who complains. And you can feel the change in your voice and the dynamic in meetings. And you don’t like to hear yourself talking like that, but you end up being in that situation, again.”

I hear so much in that “again.” To become a feminist ear is to hear again. We are heard as broken records, stuck on the same point. Repetition does not begin with our complaints but with they are about.

We have to keep saying it because they keep doing it.

You have to keep making the same complaints when the same things keep happening.

As soon as I began to release the data of complaint, people told me that the same things were happening in other workplaces. So, in the new book, I make connections between the stories I collected for my research and those that have entered the public domain because they ended up in courts or by being shared by whistle-blowers or investigative journalists.

No is not a Lonely Utterance did not begin with that title. It was going to be called, A Complainer’s Handbook. My editor wanted something more poetic and less prosaic to capture the feeling of the writing. Hence the title is already a story of words being moved. I resisted the new title at first because I was committed to the idea of a handbook as a helping hand or handle. But in the end, the title was freeing, allowing me to focus on the feeling of the work or in it. Complaints can make you feel smaller, alone, apart. Complaints procedures are designed to make you feel that way. You might be told not to talk to anyone else about what is going on. You might not even know what is going on.

Many of the stories of complaint seem to be about pushing very hard not to get very far. There is sadness in these stories, without question. I noticed how often people expressed sadness, sometimes breaking down in tears, not so much when they were describing their complaints but when they were telling me what they had loved doing before the complaint or before what happened that led them to complain. They expressed grief for what they had lost not because of what the complaint did, but what it did not do, probably could not do, which is allow a return to how it was before it happened, what led to the complaint being necessary in the first place.

 In grief, there is grievance.

I too ended up circling around that word grief. You might imagine that complaining would mean being left rather discouraged. That might be true for some people, but it is not true for many others, including me. I left fighting. I am left fighting. Doing the research did not leave me feeling discouraged either. I was encouraged, indeed inspired, by how hard people were willing to fight whether for their own jobs or for other people’s.

Complaints can be how we say no to violence. They can be why we say no. We might say no to get the violence out from behind closed doors, to bring the institution to account.  But so many complaints can be buried.   One student, said her complaint was “shoved in the box.”   Another student, said her complaint went ‘into the complaint graveyard.’  A filing cabinet can be a place that complaints do go to die.

I think back to how translation can make you aware of secrets, what does not get across. Institutions have secrets; what they do not want revealed. Sometimes their secrets are our complaints. Complainers know a burial has happened. And this might be another way complainers have a kinship with translators, knowledge of burial.

That complaint graveyard might not be just then where complaints go to die, but where we gather to bring our stories to life. I shared that image of a “complaint graveyard,” with a senior researcher. She said,

You have to think about the impact of doing this. Because having yet another complaint, it means that you give more credibility to the one who comes after you. When you talk about haunting, you are talking about the size of the graveyard. And I think this is important. Because when you have one tombstone, one lonely little ghost, it doesn’t actually have any effect; you can have a nice cute little cemetery outside your window, but when you start having a massive one, common graveyards and so on, it becomes something else; it becomes much harder to manage.

Let me address you: killjoy translators. When we become more, we become harder to manage. We become something else, something more explosive. To be buried together is to haunt together. That too is a hope: that our complaints will return to haunt the institutions, a reminder of what has not been dealt with. Complaints tell us another story about time, queer time, how complaints that have been filed away, buried, made to disappear, have not gone.

Complaints have not gone because of what goes on.  That’s why we keep having to say no. Or do it. That makes no a translation project.

No

Non

Nie

Nien

아니요 (aniyo)

いいえ (Īe)

nihen

ਨਹੀਂ (Nahīṁ)

La

Hayir

Bù (不)

No can be a small word with a lot of work to do. To get a no out we might have to open the door of our own consciousness.  Feminist of colour Heidi Mirza wrote about her experiences of being sexually harassed when she was a student; experiences that were “so painful” that they “lie deep in [her] soul in the place of shame.” She describes “writing about it now” as” unlocking the doors of shame,” so that she “can begin to exhale.”

It is not simply that our truths, when spoken, so they are “out there,” will change institutions. Even killjoy truths don’t have the power to do that. But when we unlock a door, and a no comes out, something shifts. I think of one student who said no to a professor only to be warned he was an “important man.” She did not heed the warning because she did not want the past to be perfectly translated, “she did not want other students to go through the same practice.”

She did not start out by saying no; it took her time to say it because of how she doubted herself. But then she said, “I was like, no, no, no, no, things are wrong not just in terms of gender, things are desperately wrong with the way he is teaching full stop.” Once one no came out, others followed, no, no, no, no; an army of nos. That’s why complaint can be an activist affect: that feeling of release when what has been held in is let out.

Get a no out so that others can follow!

Others can be a reference to other nos. Or others can be a reference to other people who in hearing your no might be encouraged to express their own.

Saying no has consequences. When she shared her testimony with me, she said she had wanted to do a PhD. But then “that door is shut.”  A no can be a shut door.

But a shut door is not the end of the story. It might even be the beginning of another one. She shared with me recently that she is now teaching at another university and is considering doing a PhD. Having had one door shut, she eventually found her way “to a much more supportive and kinder environment.” She explained “I refused to walk to the beat of the institution, to bend to patriarchal abuses of power in order to get ahead on a particular path.” She added, “I’m so, so glad I shut [that] door.”

When you say no out of commitment, you don’t just lose a path, you make it possible to find another one. And not just for yourself: I think of the feminist values she is now able to pass on to her students, the different paths she might make lay for them. A refusal can be an opening.

Of course, it does not always work out this way.

It can require a leap of faith to shut a door, to commit to an action that, once completed, might mean the end of a path you’d started on. But that no can open up another path contradicts what are warned: that to say no to “an important man,” or to the institution that enabled him, is to end up with nowhere to go.

We need to give no somewhere to go.

I spoke to an early career lecturer who left her post and profession after her university did not give her the time she needed to return to work. As a neuroatypical person, she needed that time to do her work.  She described her experience of complaint as “a little bird scratching away at something.” When I heard that little bird scratching, I remembered the words of a diversity officer who had described her job as a “banging your head against the brick wall job.” A job description as a wall description.  Diversity work can feel like scratching at the surface, giving you a sense of the limits of what you can accomplish.

When she resigned, she made her complaint again. She describes, “I wrote a two-page letter, and it was really important to me to put everything in there that I felt so that it was down on paper. And then I asked for a meeting with the Dean. I kind of read the letter out in a performative kind of way just to have some kind of event.”  Her complaint filled the room she left.  But she wanted to do more. She wanted to put her resignation letter on the wall: “I just thought I am not the kind of person who would put my resignation letter on the wall, but I just wonder what it is that made me feel that I am not that kind of person because inside I am that kind of person, I just couldn’t quite get it out.” We have to help each other get the words out.  

This lecturer later came to a lecture in which I shared words from her testimony. The words she gave to me, I gave back to her. She wrote to me after, “it was only after the lecture that I realised how undignified these complaint processes are, and how yes, my dignity was stripped. In my dealings with the union, they had advised me at the time that my dignity at work had been breached, but that word did little then for me, as it felt like another procedural piece of jargon – but when I felt a swell of pride at the lecture, indeed, when I felt a sense of dignity about it all, I realised that this must have been somewhat lost.”

Words can be emptied of meaning, becoming polish, how we are removed from our own stories. When we share our complaints with each other, giving them to each other, they acquire a different meaning and value.

Words sent out come back. And when they do, they sound different.

We hear each other scratching away, “little birds,” that sound as labour. I recall a conversation I had with an Indigenous student. She made a complaint about white supremacy in the classroom. Using that word can certainly get you into trouble. She became in her terms a monster and had to complete her PhD off campus. But she said “an unexpected little gift,” was how other students could come to her: “They know you are out there and they can reach out to you.” She used that expression twice, “an unexpected little gift.” Even though her complaint led her to leave, by complaining she left enough of herself behind for other people to find.

A no can be what we pass on. Also, how we hold on.

We are not aways here at the same time. But that does not mean we cannot hear each other.   

Sound matters because of how it travels.

The sound of complaint can be sharp and piercing. Or dull and low.  Zehay Liva Bocretsion wrote to me about how she turned her complaints about racism into songs, which she sent to cultural institutions such as museums. She explains, “I got the idea because in Danish klagesang (complaint song) carries both the meaning of elegies, the retelling of a tragedy, and a more sarcastic meaning, like someone who is just wailing on about all the things not going their way.” Zehay sings her complaints with a “monotonousness” which “becomes a point in itself,” as a way “to express the matter-of-fact ways in which a lot of people try to disregard the complaints I have had.”

We can turn the sound of frustration, of not getting through, into another way of expressing our complaints. I think back to how a line of a poem can become the snap of a slogan; the repetition of a chant on a demo.

Sound travels.  Sound builds.  

I hear the sharp sound of the direct-action group, Sister’s Uncut, setting off 1000 rape alarms to mark the anniversary of the Clapham Common Virgil for Sarah Everard, murdered by a police officer in 2021. The police had beaten and arrested many women on the day, coming down because of who came out.  I hear the rallying cry of feminists in Argentina, saying Ni una menos (Not one woman less), a “collective scream against machista violence,” words that spread to other places, other collectives, repeated, echoed, amplified, passing between bodies, travelling across time and also space: translational; transgenerational; transnational.

We hear you. We hear you fighting to be heard. We are louder not just when we are heard together but hear together.

Sometimes, we have to stop what we are doing, to take it in. Audre Lorde tells us of one time when she was driving her car and heard on the news that a white police officer had been acquitted of the murder of a black child, Clifford Glover. This was in 1973. History repeated. Too many unheard complaints. Lorde stops the car, to let it in, the violence of the police in, of white supremacy.  She stopped the car and a poem, “Power,” came out, with its electric line, not to let our power “lie limp and useless as an unconnected wire.” If there is something poetic in complaint, in the manner or form of its expression, a complaint can be a poem. What Lorde let in, what she gets out, we read.

Sometimes, we need to stop the car, stop what we are doing, whatever we are doing, not just to let the violence in but to express our refusal of it. A no can be an occupation, we occupy the buildings, taking up as much time and more space as we can.  I think back to when I gave a lecture on complaint and common sense entitled “Changing Institutions,” at Oxford University of May 7, 2024. It was a couple of days after students had set up a Palestinian solidarity encampment on campus. The solidarity of the encampment leaked into the lecture theatre, that space, so often solemn, heavy with hierarchy and history, was full of energy and electricity. I had a sense of: another university is possible.

When I visited the encampment after the lecture, to express my killjoy solidarity with the students, with everyone fighting for a free Palestine, I was asked if I wanted to speak. I did not. I wanted to listen and learn. And I listened and learnt. I learnt how the students were working out how to look after each other, how they were negotiating differences and conflict with a shared consciousness of who does the work and who gets to speak whilst shouting “no to business as usual whilst our institutions profit from and facilitate genocide.” To assemble, to say no, to do no, throws so much open. We throw ourselves into projects that are urgent and necessary, doing what we can, when we can, however we can, in the wear and the tear, for as long as it takes.

The harder it is to get through the more we have to do. We end up with so many materials.

What a mess!

In both my books on complaint, I use this image of messy lines with different captions.

A Complaint

A life

A queer map.  

A queer map tells us where we have been, our comings and goings.

Perhaps this could also be a picture of translation, too; many threads.

We can add another caption:

Translation

So much work not to get very far, each line, heavy-going. But think of this. Each line can be a conversation, one that you had to have, a conversation that can open a door, just a little, just enough, so that someone else can enter or hear something. Each line can be time, the time it takes to get somewhere, to do something, time as a queer line, going round and about as how you find things out. Each line can be a path, the places you go, the unlit rooms, the shadows, the doorways, who you find on your way there. Each line can be a trace, how we go back, how we come to know more, hear of others who were here before. Each line can be a promise, a leak as a lead, how those who came after can pick something up from you, because of what you tried to do, even though you did not get through, even though you just scratched the surface. Yes, those scratches; we are back to those scratches.

The scratches that conveyed the limits of what we can accomplish can sometimes be enough.

To scratch a record can stop it from going around, making the same old sound.

A scratch can be testimony, how we say, we were here, how we create room for ourselves here, in our effort to make our lives or our work possible.

But then when our complaints are buried, possibility might seem to be buried, too.

I hear here the beautiful words of the Greek poet, Dinos Christianopoulos, “they tried to bury us, they didn’t know we were seeds,” echoed by so many activists, world over.

A complaint as a seed, buried in the ground or deep in a pile, to come up later, plucked by those who come after. 

A possibility can be buried. In burial is possibility.

That’s a killjoy truth, alive to possibility.

To make something is to make it possible

Possibility is still a fight; what we have to fight to bring about.

I opened this lecture with Sarah Ihmoud’s fighting and grieving words.  Let me return to her call for us to “speak loud and courageously into the wind.” When people use the expression “shouting into the wind” they usually mean it is pointless to make noise against the flow of air. But when the situation is urgent, there is always a point. The word translate is said to have replaced an old English word wend “to take one’s course or way, proceed, go.” It is not far from wend to wind, to turn, weave; wind, to move by turning and twisting.  

Maybe translation is like wind.

We blow words out. Blow them about.

Remember: a line of a poem becomes the snap of a slogan.

Poems become placards.

Placards become kites, lifted by the wind, carried further, so more can see that message, that rebellion, that hope.

To keep the kite flying is to give the story air.

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A Killjoy’s Answer

A killjoy’s answer is an answer to these questions: why another book on complaint? Why another trade book? Why another handbook?

A Complainer’s Handbook is currently in the process of being re-titled but that is not an answer to these questions.

The answer is in an off-repeated utterance:

“This does not just happen in universities, you know.”

I did know.

I do know.

Complaints are missing data. When you complain you gather information about the institution, most of which is never revealed by it. To collect that data creates a very different picture of the institution. As soon as I began to release the data, people told me  the picture it was creating was not specific to universities, which is another way of saying:

“This does not just happen in universities, you know.”

I did not even have to release any data to be told this. One time I was dropping off our dogs to our sitter, Sally. I was on route to give some lectures in the US. Sally asked me what I was lecturing on. I told her, complaint. She then shared with me what happened when she made a complaint about bullying at her former work-place. She said, “they locked the door and I knew I was in trouble.” I did not tell her my lecture was entitled, “Closing the Door.” Sally kept her hands on her face when she shared what happened, showing as well as telling me how hot and bothered it still made her feel to talk about it even though what happened had happened a long time ago.  Whenever I talk about complaint, stories like this have been shared with me, difficult experiences brought into the space of a conversation.

It takes time for people to entrust you with their stories. That is why in this new book the stories of making complaints at universities that were shared with me with detail and in confidence, retain an exemplary status. Wherever possible, I make connections between the stories given to me in confidence and those that entered the public domain because they ended up in the courts or have been shared by whistle-blowers or investigative journalists.   

To share the stories again to release them, to hear the killjoy truths in them. I wanted to find another way to share these truths.

And that is also a killjoy’s answer to the question of why I am now writing a newsletter.

I am writing to share killjoy knowledge, to ask questions, to answer them, to participate in a dialogue. You can subscribe here:

https://substack.com/@feministkilljoys

In killjoy solidarity as ever

Sara xx

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Define Women! And Other Patriarchal Instructions

Some definitions.

1 “A woman has a vagina; a man has a penis”

(some politicians, with a nod to “gender critical” feminists)

2 “A woman does not have a penis

(some politicians, with a nod to “gender critical” feminists)

3 “A woman is an adult human female”

(“gender critical” feminists, citing dictionaries).

4 “A woman is a woman and a man is a man, that’s just common sense”

(former UK prime-minister, citing the well-known source “common sense” also cited by “gender critical” feminists)

What the fuck!

Welcome to the patriarchal dystopia otherwise known as “gender critical” feminism where women are defined as having vaginas as if this definition is necessary for feminism.

Much made “gender critical” claim: we have to define women to liberate women!

But that’s the patriarchal order! Define women!

Much-needed critique: You don’t need to define something to liberate it.

Much-needed counter-claim:  We need to liberate women from being defined.

After all, consider where we ended up, by definition.

A woman is a woman.

Oh, the sheer and utter banality of this, sexism, his received wisdom, the patriarch, learning nothing about anything by saying something is something.

To say a tree is a tree is to say nothing about trees.

To learn nothing.

If man is the answer to the question of what is man, the answer is there is no question.

A woman is a woman.

The patriarch is telling us he has nothing to learn about women.

That he does not want us to question who women is or for there, even, to be a question.

But we do.

Question, that is.

????

!!!!

Question yes, but why the exclamations, Sara?!

Because of where we have ended up.

Feminism turned into another, nothing learnt.

Anneliese Dodds and Bridget Phillipson have recently been appointed as ministers for women and equalities. Neither seem to be part of the “gender critical” feminist movement, by which I mean, they do not seem to be endlessly searching for a definition of women that is robust enough, or crude or banal enough, to exclude trans women, once and for all.

Dodds has said what many feminists have long said. Definitions of women are contextual: how we define women depends on who is defining women and in what domain.

Responses from “gender critical” feminists and their patriarchal pals are as expected.

A “gender critical” feminist said: her comments are “nonsensical.” Labour has “abandoned” women!

A patriarchal pal said: “That is like appointing two climate deniers as Co-Secretaries of State for Net Zero.”

Oh no, they won’t define women! Which means they deny women exist!

Why do we have such a ministerial position? Not because of who women are, but where women aren’t. We have such a position in order to redress gender inequalities. Many of those who are happy to define women probably do not believe in the existence of gender inequalities.

Remember: The Equal Rights Amendment (ERA), which would have prohibited sex discrimination, was defeated in the US largely because of arguments made by conversative women about the need to protect women and girls and to keep sex-segregated bathrooms.

Thought: Those who believe women are in need of protection because of their nature or  biology, rather than being subordinated by a social or political order, which uses nature or biology to justify that subordination, are not concerned with liberation.

Speculation: The belief that women are a sex class by virtue of their physical bodies (and reproductive capacities) makes it easier to deflect attention from how gender operates as a social structure to distribute resources and life chances, alongside other social structures, such as class and race.

After all, you don’t need definitions to pay one group of people less than others or to treat one group as worth more than another. As anyone who knows equality law knows, you can be discriminated against because you are perceived to be a member of a disadvantaged group whether or not you are.

Perceptions have material consequences.

Groups, social achievements. With histories.

To be a member of a group is to be assigned a place in history.

Not all of us keep to our assignments. Our place in history.

To fight for change requires, usually, loosening the hold of a history, sometimes by saying something has a history, what might have previously been thought of as nature.

The way things are.

Or were.

Definition is a past tense activity (the word coming from French definicion from de “completely”+ finire “to bound, limit,” from finis “boundary, end”).

No, we are not finished! We will not end the conversation! We are just beginning. We don’t know who will come, or who we will become, when we have refused to be delimited by definition.

That refusal is not about words or not only about words. It is about worlds.

Definitions precede us.

Yes.

We exceed them.

Also, yes.

That is why, mostly, liberation is from definition. This is no mere negative model of freedom (freedom from rather than freedom to). To be liberated from definition is how we open up what it is possible to do and to be.

For some to define ourselves for ourselves is to counter claims that we do not or cannot exist.

Claim 1: You cannot change sex.

Claim 2: Sex is material.

These claims are in contradiction. If sex is material, then it most certainly can be changed.

Matter is, after all, mutable; dynamic.

Almost by definition.

And so are we; dynamic, that is.

Almost by definition.

Power: how the change that might otherwise happen because of the dynamic nature of life is stopped.

Power: how you stabilise what is required to survive or thrive within a given environment.

No wonder the elites promote “gender critical” feminism– sex is made another conservative agenda, turned into evidence of what cannot or should not be changed (like history, institutions, the nation-state, civilisations itself).

Back to sex, to nature, that rock.

“What passes as common sense feels as if it has always been there, the sedimented, bedrock, wisdom of ‘the race’” (thanks Stuart Hall).

A feeling of longevity, what goes without saying.

That rock crumbles.

Things, they say, have always been that way.

Except they haven’t.

Words, they say, have always meant the same thing.

Except they didn’t.

Feminism’s Brexiteers (thanks Sarah Franklin),

Oh, what your victories are costing us, will cost us, all of us, even all of you.

So: we will keep moving, fighting, being.

And knowing.

Those who refuse to be bound by definition know more about definitions, how they function, what they do.

We learn about police from being policed, doing what we are not supposed to do, by definition.

Definitions are not private acts. They are messages, often issued as instructions, with social lives; telling us who we are or who we can be, where we can go or not go.

A definition, drawing a line, boundary.

A definition: a hand in things.

A definition: how you approach things, sort them out, put things with like things.

No, we are not saying boundaries are fascist (they say we say that for a reason).  They are products of labour (that hand), made from materials, “out there,” but still made.  You might distinguish between weeds and flowers, a boundary which does something, issued as another instruction: weed them out, get them out, they will take over, protect the garden, that little petal!

Boundaries: how worlds are shaped.

Boundaries: established by force, at least sometimes.

The violence directed to someone because she looks like a woman. And that is a message passing down like electricity; he can do that, she deserves that.

She shrinks, makes herself smaller.

Or perhaps she makes herself smaller to squeeze into the space she has been given.

Sex as architecture: who ends up with more space. Or less.

Before we enter the world, there are doors that tell us where to go, W or M.

If so then, sex is social before it is biological.

Institutional, even.

Any category.

Something you can be at home in.

Or not.

We might be told, we are girls right from the beginning: a girl, a woman-to-be!

We might be girls, or women, and never feel uncertain about that assignment, even when it is hard, the hostility the drips, another boundary lesson; the misogyny so close to the surface.

I understand the need for our own spaces.

But it is complicated.

The violence directed to some of us because we don’t look like women.

Is it a boy or a girl?

A question, hostility unmasked.

When some of us open the door with the letter, W, are told we are in the wrong place.

You don’t look like what a woman is supposed to look like.

You can be cis and be told this.

We might be told it is better or safer to be clear so they can tell us apart.

“Gender critical” feminists used these words: it is a “regrettable cost” when women are “mis-sexed” because they don’t look like women.

The demand, let us be clear, is to be clear.

Look like women, or else.

What did you expect would happen?

Gender normativity through the back door.

No wonder some of us are shown the door.

You might be taught that this is not a suitable place for women and girls.

But that place is.

Here; not there.

A hand, everywhere.

A meeting can be a definition.

You might be told you did not get the promotion because you did not attend all those meeting; the ones in the pub, too, nudge-nudge.

You did not drink and joke your way into their affections.

Show your commitment.

Perhaps you did not attend the meetings because you had caring responsibilities.

Or because you cannot bear their affections.

Or because you disagreed with their definition of work.

Or commitment.

You can be defined out of a promotion.

Defined out of existence.

And so yes,

Definitions most certainly matter.

Because of how they are made.

And, who makes them.

Who gets to define? Who is defined?

Toni Morrison wrote “definitions belong to the definers not the defined.”

Thank you Toni Morrison for so many wisdoms. What a novel philosopher.

Black and brown people, we know too well: what it means to be the defined not the definers.

Definition: a history of the definers.

Audre Lorde, gratitude for what you teach us, said, “If I didn’t define myself for myself, I would be crunched into other people’s fantasies for me and eaten alive.”

We will not be eaten alive.

Nor crushed.

A definition: the weight of a history. We have to feel it to be free of it.

We might say: women have been defined too much, too often, by men.

Gender: one set of definitions amongst other sets.

Gender as genre: thanks Sylvia Wynter.

And so, feminism as a liberation movement is about making it harder not easier to define women.

Intersectionality: another way of making that point.

When a group has been oppressed, understandings of who they are (what they are) will be implicated in that oppression.

Implication = sticky

Remember, thanks to Marilyn Frye, the press in oppression.

A press, an impression, a definition.

Women: defined as the weaker sex.

Weakness, Simone de Beauvoir teaches us this, thanks for the lesson, is a moral judgement. Weakness only means something in relation to a project with an end. That is why biology is not just there, inert, but being shaped. That is why woman is not a biological category or, if biological, how biology becomes history.

Women as a historical situation. Most certainly, then, women as contextual.

You can be made weaker by definition– you are a girl so don’t do this or don’t do that. You might not acquire capacities that derive from action; also, from repetition.

It comes to look effortless with effort.

You teach yourself not to try.

You come to “throw like a girl” (thanks Iris Marion Young).

You might assume you don’t because you can’t. But really you can’t because you don’t.

Some women are not seen as women because of what they did or had to do, were made to do, forced to do, because they worked, undertook strenuous, physical labour.

Labouring bodies too strong, too muscular, arms too big, to receive that assignment, women.

Too capable, even.

Working-class women, Black and brown women.

Not too slight or too light to labour.

From having laboured.

There are many different kinds of labour.

Women going into labour, bearing children.

Women defined in terms of their reproductive capacities.

Women as becoming wives.

Well, some women.

It is an old wives’ tale.

The history of the word. Woman is a compound of wif (wife) and man (human being).

Woman as wife-man, woman as female servant.

The history of woman, impossible to disentangle from the history of wife, she becomes an “adult human female,” by being in relation to man.

She becomes his relative: wife, daughter, mother, sister.

Not herself, by definition.

Man = universal

Woman = relative

That is why lesbian feminist Monique Wittig claimed “lesbians are not women.”

To be a woman with a woman, women with women, is to become an “escapee” or a stray. Thanks Monique Wittig for escapees.

Straying from a system.

Oh, the strays, let’s get away!

Woman defined as being for man.

Woman as an empty vessel, a gap, a hole, to be filled by a man.

Woman has a vagina, they say.

Why are you so fucking obsessed.

What about clits and all the other bits?

I can feel an explosion, coming.

“Woman-Identified Woman” by RADICALESBIANS begins with an explosion.

“A lesbian is the rage of all women condensed to the point of explosion.”

An explosive speech act.

A lesbian herself becomes a tipping point, a breaking point, a snap.

She explodes

And not just definitions,

When reality is conferred as being in relation to man,

A relation can be revolting.

Women with women change the meaning of women.

They cannot see what we change.

Not real, not seen as real, not really.

That might be why lesbians tend to be more supportive of the project of trans liberation than many other people.

And yes, some of us are trans.

Because we know what it is like to be seen as less real or not really real; to have other people doubt our existence.

Not even to notice our explosions.

What is made possible by not wanting to be defined by the definer.

Let us revolt!

Refuse the patriarch’s instructions!

We fight for women!

We fight as women refusing to be defined as women!

Doing it for ourselves,

by which I mean,

of course,

this goes with saying,

for each other,

Sara xx

 

 

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Setting The Table, Some Reflections on Why Tables Matter

This post is a lecture I gave for the Around the Kitchen Festival, organised by Kunstenfestivaldesarts, earlier this year. I  have added some notes and references and lightly edited the text for clarity. You can also hear me giving the lecture here.

I was glad to have the opportunity to reflect on how tables have been my writing companions for many years. With thanks to the organisers of the festival and to the publisher of my academic books, Duke University Press who took a chance with Queer Phenomenology almost 20 years ago. Many other publishers could not understand what I was trying to do in this admittedly rather quirky book.

Tables took me on a rather queer trajectory.  I am so grateful to them.

Sara Ahmed, “Setting the Table, Some Reflections on Why Tables Matter,”  lecture given in Brussels, May 22, 2024.

For many of us, activism, fighting for a different world, happens where we already are, at the kitchen table, sustaining and being sustained by others.  The Kitchen Table became the name for a Press dedicated to publishing work by women of color. Barbara Smith explains why they took that name, “We chose our name because the kitchen is the centre of the home, the place where women in particular work and communicate with each other” (11). Smith expands “We also wanted to convey the fact that we are a kitchen table, grassroots operation, begun and kept alive by women who cannot rely on inheritances or other benefits of class privilege to do the work we need to do” (11). The fewer benefits you inherit, the more work you have to do to keep the work alive as well as yourself. Smith described the commitment of the Kitchen Table Press thus, “Our work is both cultural and political, connected to the struggles of freedom of all of our peoples. We hope to serve as a communication network for Women of Colour in the U.S. and around the world” (12). The places where many of us gather, work, meet, and greet become vehicles for sending information out.  The Kitchen Table Press published the second edition of This Bridge Called My Back. Rhiannon Scharnhorst ends her careful consideration of the role of kitchen tables in feminist art and activism by quoting from Cherríe Moraga’s afterword to the fourth edition of This Bridge: “‘There was nobody to talk to,’ my companion reminds me. We sit across the kitchen table. ‘Yes,’ I say, ‘that’s why we wrote the book’” (251).

“That’s why we wrote the book.” A book, a table. The word table come from Latin tabula ‘plank, tablet, list’, A table: a surface to write. A table: how we come to write, what we can read. We have many kitchen tables behind us.  I am reminded Sheba Feminist publishers in the UK who brought us radical collections such as Charting the Journey. Another of Sheba’s publications is entitled Turning the Tables: Recipes and Reflections from Women, in which contributors “contextualise their recipes in daily life.” Editor Sue O’Sullivan describes how the idea for the book “came out of some wonderful, exhausted, tipsy talks that three of us from Sheba had while unwinding after hot, hard work at the 2nd International Feminist Book Fair in Oslo last June” (1). These activities matter–the exhaustion, the excitement, talking, eating, writing, drinking, travelling, dancing.

The expression “turn the table” can mean to change a situation, often by reversing a power dynamic.  Kitchen tables have many uses, including queer uses.  By queer uses, I mean how things or spaces can be used in ways that were not intended or by those for whom they were not intended. When the kitchen table becomes a publishing house, the tables at the heart of a home which, for some of us, remain difficult places, far from convivial, can be how we get our stories out.  In my book on the uses of use, What’s the Use? I use this image as an example of queer use: the birds turn a post-box into a nest.

The post-box has to be taken out of use as a post-box, that communication network, otherwise the birds would be displaced by the letters, a nest destroyed before it could be created. This is admittedly a rather happy and hopeful image: mostly to queer use, to inhabited spaces not intended for us, you have to do more than just turn up.

In this lecture, I share some reflections on how and why tables became not just an object of study, but my companions in thought. I will take you from my 2006 book, Queer Phenomenology, which I often call “my little table book,” to how I came to take up the figure of the feminist killjoy, to my current project on common sense. I first began writing about tables because of how they were referenced in texts I was reading. Later, I was to learn so much more about tables from undertaking empirical research, listening to people describe their efforts to transform institutions; first for a project on racism and diversity and then for a project on complaint. I shared the material from these projects in my books On Being Included which came out in 2012 and my book Complaint! which came out in 2021. And I will share some table stories from both of these projects today.  I will end the lecture by reflecting on queer tables as communication networks, looping back to this starting point.

PHILOSOPHERS AND THEIR TABLES

I want to begin with the story of how I came to write about tables as well as on them. I was interested in the question of orientation -how we become orientated in time and space, and the relation between spatial orientation and sexual orientation.  We ask a question. A question leads us to texts, and sometimes, to bodies of work. I was led to phenomenology, which makes orientation a starting point. In the words of Alfred Schutz and Thomas Luckmann, “The place in which I find myself, my actual “here”, is the starting point for my orientation in space” (36).

So, I was reading the work of the philosopher Husserl, and that is when I saw it, a table, Husserl’s table. Husserl begins with the world as seen from the point of view he calls “the natural attitude.” He writes, “I can let my attention wander from the writing-table I have just seen or observed, through the unseen portions of the room behind my back to the veranda into the garden, to the children in the summer house, and so forth, too all the objects concerning which I precisely ‘know’ that they are there and yonder in my immediate co-perceived surrounding)” (101). It is not surprising that Husserl sees the writing-table first – he is after all writing about what he is seeing. As Ann Banfield described in The Phantom Table, tables and chairs “are the things nearest to hand for the sedentary philosopher” (66). There is something so evocative about Husserl’s description – my attention was caught by how his wandered, from the writing-table to the “children in the summer house,” a glimpse of what was behind the philosopher. I began to think too of the domestic labour, of who was doing the work, caring for those children in the summerhouse, so the philosopher could attend to the table.

To attend to the table is to keep it in front. Husserl goes around the table, facing it, by changing his position “We start by taking an example. Keeping this table steadily in view as I go round it, changing my position in space all the time, I have continually the consciousness of the bodily presence out there of this one and the self-same table, which in itself remains unchanged throughout” (130). You cannot see the table from all sides at once. Husserl uses this example to develop a thesis on the intentionality of consciousness: when you cannot see the table from all sides at once, you intend its missing sides (I put this rather more queerly in my book as “conjuring the behind”). For Husserl the table is most certainly real.[1] But what is real is difficult to access.

In my introduction to Queer Phenomenology, I wrote “Once I caught sight of the table in Husserl’s writing, which is revealed just for a moment, I could not help but follow tables around. When you follow tables, you can end up anywhere. So, I followed Husserl in his turn to the table, and then when he turns away, I got led astray. I found myself seated at my table, at the different tables that mattered at different points in my life. How I wanted to make these tables matter” (22).  You can probably hear here how following tables was a deviation! The table was only meant to be an example. That is why tables are everywhere in philosophy, as examples.  Analytical philosopher Bertrand Russell opens The Problems of Philosophy with the table, asking how we know it is real until “it becomes evident that the real table if there is one is not the same thing we immediately experience by sight or touch or hearing” (1). And so, the “familiar table” has “become a problem full of surprising possibilities” (6).  But, in the final chapter of the book, the table does not appear.  The disappearance of the table is not surprising. When table is there to provide an example, it points elsewhere.

So, that is where I went:  elsewhere.

And wherever I have gone, I have followed the tables, or perhaps they have followed me. In my current project on common sense, I have found many more tables. Given that tables were already used as examples in philosophy, it is not unexpected they would appear in the literatures on common sense. Table are typically used here not to pose the question of how we know what we know, but as a proposition that some things just are what they are. Tables also get enlisted to demonstrate the realness of many other things including categories such as sex.  Just to quote from one blog, “table-ness is not the same as chair-ness. Yes, I could sit on a table but that doesn’t make it a chair…Just like a man that dresses up and tries to look like a woman doesn’t make him a woman.” [2] Judith Butler in their important critique of the anti-gender movement comments on the reliance on common sense reasoning, “there is a pounding on the table that goes along with the insistent repetition of the claim of purely biological differences, as if pounding and repetition makes it so” (177). The table is pounded on as well as spoken of, the recipient of a gesture.

It is striking that tables and chairs, which are, mostly, human artefacts, designed, products of human labour, can be so used to demonstrate a natural distinction.  If anything, tables, as materials, as well as human artifacts, give us a rather different view on the facts of the matter. In Capital Marx noted: “it is as clear as noon-day that man, by his industry, changes the forms of the material furnished by nature in such a way as to make them useful to him. The form of wood, for instance, is altered by making a table out of it for all that, the table continues to be that common every-day thing, wood” (163). The table becomes a thing, alteration as the acquisition of shape, a product of human labour; there’s a hand in the table, however material it remains.  Marx also suggests “Every useful thing is a whole composed of many qualities: it can therefore be useful in many ways. The discovery of these ways and hence of the manifold uses of things is the work of history” (125).

Returning to the kitchen table, discovering its uses is also the “work of history.” The kitchen table is useful in many ways and not just because it is designed for more people to sit around. The table can be used as a metaphor for human sociality or connection – metaphoric uses of tables build upon more everyday uses; even as metaphor the material matters.  In The Human Condition, Arendt writes, “To live together in the world means essentially that a world of things is between those who have it in common, as a table is located between those who sit around it.” (1958: 53). For Arendt, pluralism is about partiality, when each of us sees the table from a different aspect or side, we see more of the table, we might even, thinking of Husserl, see what is behind it.[3]

Arendt turns to consider common sense in The Life of the Mind. She observes, “In a world of appearances, filled with error and semblance, reality is guaranteed by this three-fold commonness: the five senses, utterly different from each other, have the same object in common; members of the same species have the same context in common that endows every single object with its particular meaning; and all other sense-endowed beings, though perceiving this object from utterly different perspectives, agree on its identity. Out of this threefold commonness arises the sensation of reality” (50). Arendt begins with Aquinas’s conception of common sense as a sixth sense that allows us to apprehend that each sense has the same object in common (that the table we touch is the same table we see, and so on), to common sense as a context in which that object is given meaning, to the role of other sense endowed beings. Mark Uildriks suggests other sense-endowed beings might agree the identity of an object in the following way “A bird may not understand why humans make tables, but by actually sitting on it the bird confirms the table’s reality” (22).

I am rather curious about what else we could learn from the birds if they land on the table.  Is there an expectation that those who turn up at the table will confirm its reality? The birds might use the table to sit on. And, so can we: a table can be a chair if it is stable enough to take our weight or low enough to be convenient for that purpose. We can use things that are not made to be used – that stone over there can be a chair at a picnic if it is big enough or a table if is surface is flat enough. Whether or not something is made to be used, how it is used does not exhaust its potential, which is why queer uses do more than reference the material qualities of things; they open that potential.  The birds could turn the post-box into a nest because the opening intended for letters can be used as a door, a queer door, a way of getting in and out of the box. The birds are not just “confirming reality,” they are teaching us something else, something rather more “sensational” about reality as such.

I will return to how the birds can be our teachers in due course. They come and go. Use involves so many comings and goings, leaving traces in places. A table as a useful thing becomes a used thing, a record as well as a recorder. Feminist philosopher Iris Marion Young writes, “The nick on the table here happened during that argument with my daughter” (159). Perhaps for feminist philosophers and poets, we don’t begin with the question of what we know about tables, but what tables know about us; that nick, that argument. A scratch on the surface, traces of past encounters

 “We begin with the material.” Adrienne Rich turns this starting point into an instruction: “Begin with the material,” she says, describing her own creative process thus: “Piling piece by piece of concrete experience side by side” (213). To begin with the material is to begin with the body, and also, with what is near to hand.  Rich names one collection The Fact of a Doorframe. She explains the name: poetry is “hewn from the commonest living substance” as a “doorframe is hewn from wood” (xv). The commonest thing is the stuff of poetry, perhaps also, of philosophy, brought back to earth.

The wood in the door, the wood of the table. The material is the connection. Words, too, are materials, words as wood: we use them, shape things, make things. Rich uses poetry as a vehicle not only to express feelings, such as anger that many women have been encouraged to suppress, but to reflect, to philosophize, about feeling.  One of her poems is entitled ‘The Phenomenology of Anger’.32 The last stanza reads

Every act of becoming conscious

(it says here in this book)

is an unnatural act

Not being conscious of something might be how we have learnt to put up with it. Consciousness of things can thus change them. In the poem, anger does not simply come from a subject, but is felt by objects. One line is a question, “How does a pile of rags the machinist wiped his hands on / feel in its cupboard, hour by hour?” Perhaps it is those who have been treated as objects, used to keep someone’s hands clean, wiped on, wiped up, made into examples, who think to ask how objects feel. A person is not just at the table, making use of it, like an instrument, but near the table, by it or with it, a juxtaposition. “Table. Window. Lampshade. You.”

KILLJOYS AROUND THE TABLE

A family too can be juxtaposition: father, mother, sisters, table, me.  In Queer Phenomenology, I wrote: “The kitchen table is light-colored wood, and is covered by a plastic cloth. Around it, we gather, every morning and evening. Each of us, has our own place. Mine is the end of the table opposite my father. My sisters are both to my left, my mother to my right. Each time, we gather in this way, as if the arrangement is securing more than our place. For me, inhabiting the family is about taking up a place already given. I slide into my seat, and take up this place. I feel out of place in this place, but those feelings are pushed to one side” (88).

In Queer Phenomenology, I focused on queerness as a feeling of being “out of place,” surrounded as I was by a horizon of heterosexuality, by objects, a fondue set on the sideboard, an unused, wedding gift turned into an ornament, photographs of happy families; by conversations, by expectations, lines I was supposed to follow. Perhaps the figure of the feminist killjoy arrived into my work when I stopped pushing those feelings aside.  So, although feminist killjoys did not make an appearance in Queer Phenomenology, writing about tables “set the table” for the feminist killjoys, giving them the space they needed to appear.

The feminist killjoys are the ones who get in the way of happiness or just get in the way; perhaps she does not smile for the photograph.  I first wrote about feminist killjoys in The Promise of Happiness, which was published in 2010, 4 years after Queer Phenomenology. There, they had a chapter of their own. I am not sure they were too happy about that! So, in my most recent book, The Feminist Killjoy Handbook, I gave them a book of their own.  Why is their book a handbook?  For me a handbook is a hand, a helping hand, an outstretched hand, also a handle, how we hold on to something. The handbook is intended as a helping hand for those fighting against inequality and injustice. Experiences of killing joy can take a lot out of us, but they can also bring moments of clarity and illumination.  In the handbook I offer killjoy truths, which I also call hard-worn wisdoms, as we as killjoy equations, killjoy commitments and killjoy maxims.  I also offer some killjoy survival tips. And yes, my first tip to surviving as a killjoy is to become one.

The handbook is a collection of our stories of becoming feminist killjoys, which means it references many different tables.  So, let’s get back to that kitchen table with its light-colored wood and plastic cloth. There we are, seated, each in our place, having polite conversations, where only some things can be brought up. My father would say something offensive. I would try not to react. He could can tell that I was not happy with what is being said. So, he says it more; he says it again. I can feel myself getting wound up by someone who is winding me up. Eventually I snap. A snap is a moment with a history. And then, I would come out with it. I say I have a problem with what is being said. But then I become the problem.

Killjoy Truth: To Expose a Problem is to Pose a Problem

You might be told you are being divisive or difficult. That you have ruined the dinner or the atmosphere. And once you are known as a feminist, the one who exposes a problem, you don’t even have to say anything. You just have to open your mouth and eyes start rolling, as if to say, she would say that, she will say that.

Killjoy Equation: Rolling Eyes = Feminist Pedagogy.

I did say that. To become a feminist killjoy is to refuse to concede by letting a problem recede. We make a commitment, which I think of as the core killjoy commitment.

Killjoy Commitment: I am willing to cause unhappiness

I became willing to cause unhappiness because of what I learnt from causing it. Let me take you to another table, back to the academic year 1994/1995. It is my first year as a lecturer in Women’s Studies. I am in the top room of the fanciest building on campus. We are seated around a large rectangular table. The meeting is for the approval of new courses. I am there because I have a new course on Gender, Race and Colonialism being considered.  Most of the courses are approved without much discussion. When my course comes up, a professor from another department begins to interrogate me, becoming angrier as he went on. And he went on. I was there, seated at the same a table as he, a young woman, a person of colour, the only brown person in the room. The word in the course description that triggered his reaction was the relatively uneventful word “implicated.” That I had used that word was a sign, he said, that I thought that colonialism was a bad thing. He then gave me a lecture on how colonialism was a good thing, colonialism as modernity, that happy story of railways, language and law that is so familiar because we have heard it before. I think of this as a killjoy encounter not because I spoke back in response to what he said when he said it, I did not, but because I could hear from his reaction that what I was doing, was speaking back, refusing to tell that story, that happy story, of imperial progression.

Not to tell that story, that happy story, is to be positioned as stealing not just happiness but history. One contribution to a book on common sense conservatism begins, “Britain is under attack.  Not in a physical sense, but in a philosophical, ideological and historical sense. Our heritage is under a direct assault – the very sense of what it is to be British has been called into question, institutions have been undermined, the reputation of key figures in our country’s history have been traduced.”[4]  Movements such as BLM and decolonising the curriculum he suggests, are “not motivated by positivity. Quite the reverse.” Positivity is tied to preservation.  So, when students asked for philosophies from outside the West to be taught, they are represented as cancelling white philosophers, as stealing what is there or from who is there. Decolonizing the curriculum is often framed as an act of vandalism: knocking off the heads of statues, snapping at the throne of the philosopher kings.

All it takes to be heard as a killjoy is not to affirm something. There is so much we refuse to affirm.  Consider Ama Ata Aidoo’s novel, Our Sister Killjoy, published in 1977, the first text to give a killjoy a voice. Sissie, our sister killjoy, is our narrator. She travels from Ghana to Germany and then to England. In Germany, Sissie wanders around a market. She is referred to as the ‘black girl’, “She was somewhat puzzled. Black girl? Black girl? So, she looked around her, really well this time” (12). When Sissie sees herself seen as a Black girl, it is then that she whiteness. She regrets it, “when she was made to notice the difference in human colouring” (13). But once she has noticed it, she can’t unnotice it.

Killjoy Equation: Noticing = The feminist killjoy’s hammer

When Sissie notices being noticed, she notices whiteness. Having worked in universities in the UK for most of my career, I got so used to whiteness that sometimes I stopped noticing it. But every now and then, it would hit me, usually because of how I was addressed. One time, I was seated around a coffee table with colleagues. A white feminist admired for her work on cultural difference was sitting opposite me. She leaned forward, as if peering at me closely. ‘Sara, I didn’t know you were Oriental.” I winced at that word, how it pointed, it’s colonial legacy.

Sometimes, a point is so sharp, it is hard not to notice a history. At other times, noticing can be labour as you have to see through a history. I spoke to a student who was being harassed by her supervisor. She explains to me why it is hard to see what was happening,

And it’s odd to think back, in this moment, this seems absolutely insane to me, but at the time it was part of the culture of the department we had. You know another professor I had met with earlier in the programme said you know that he had to keep a big wooden table between him and his female students so he would remember not to touch them and then another of our long-time male faculty is notorious for marrying student after student after student.  And that was within all this rhetoric of like critical race studies, and you know, pedagogy of the oppressed, as I am recounting it to you, I just wanted to say that it is so jarring to look back on it, because it looks so very clear, from this hindsight perspective.

When what you experience “at the time” is part of the culture, you don’t identify it at the time you experience it. The harassment, which was institutionalized, expressed in the idea that senior men would need a big wooden table order to remember not to touch women students, is happening at the same time the critical work is happening, or the rhetoric of critical work is being used to describe what is happening; critical race studies; pedagogy of the oppressed. It becomes clear that critical work is about rhetoric, that there is a gap between rhetoric and reality, clarity can be jarring.  That is why becoming a killjoy can sometimes be about killing your own joy, taking in what is hard and painful.

I talked to another student about what happened she she turning up at a conference.

They were making jokes, jokes that were horrific, they were doing it in a very small space in front of staff, and nobody was saying anything. And it felt like my reaction to it was out of kilter with everyone else. It felt really disconnected, the way I felt about the way they were behaving and the way everybody else was laughing. They were talking about “milking bitches.” I still can’t quite get to the bottom of where the jokes were coming from. Nobody was saying anything about it: people were just laughing along. You start to stand out in that way; you are just not playing along. 

The sexist expression “milking bitches” seemed to have a history. History can be thrown out like a line you are supposed to follow. When laughter fills the room, it can feel like there is no room left. To experience such jokes as offensive is to become alienated not only from the jokes but the laughter that surrounds them, propping them up, giving them somewhere to go.

If you do not participate in something, laugh when others laugh, you stand out. Maybe some people laugh in order not to stand out. She describes what happened next

 He specifically went for me, verbally at a table where everyone was eating lunch. It was a large table with numerous amounts of people around it including staff… I was having quite a personal conversation with someone and he literally leant across the table or physically came forward, he was really close, and he said “oh my god I can see you ovulating.”

Because she did not find the jokes funny, because she expressed in her reaction that she was not condoning the behaviour, that she was not happy, he comes after her. Her personal space invaded, she is reduced to body; stopped from participating in a conversation around the table. She leaves that table.  By leaving that table, I am not just referring to an actual table, she left the university. She left because of what she learnt from trying to complain, how she was made the problem. She described the process, “I lost my rose-tinted glasses, the way I saw those spaces being a place of excellence. I thought they were welcoming of difference. I had worked really hard to get to that space. When you come from the kind of background I have—no one had been to university to do a degree.” If she had seen the university through rose-tinted glasses, it is because they were handed to her.

We can return to the philosophers and their table.  If philosophers withdraw from something in order to inspect it, we, killjoys, trouble-makers, misfits, inspect something because we are withdrawn from it. It is not so much that we have learn about tables from conversing about them but that we learn about tables from being alienated by the conversations around them.

A woman professor described to me how she noticed a table, “I realised that all the decisions were actually being taken around the lunch-table by this small group of men who actually went off and discussed what they wanted to discuss and decided what they wanted to decide and that’s how things happened in the school.” The expression “a seat at the table” is a reference to power, who gets to be involved in the discussions that influence decisions being made. She realised that decisions were being made at the lunch-table, which meant that the tables where they were supposed to be made, we call them committees, where items are tabled, were just being used as vehicles to pass decisions through. She decides to join the table, “I started trying to have my lunch with them. I thought I am going to break into the circle and try and fight my way in. But that didn’t work. They would just get up and go.” Tables become doors, how some are shut out of the places where decisions are made. We tend to notice what shuts us out.

POLISHING THE TABLE

Killjoy encounters around tables can be building blocks: how we develop our critiques of institutions as well as the tools we need to hammer away at them.

Let me return to Sissie, our sister killjoy, who turned noticing into a hammer. In Germany, when she wanders around a market, before she sees herself be seen, before she sees whiteness, Sissie sees a sheen: “polished steel. Polished tin. Polished brass.” Sissie “saw their shine and glitter(12). Later, Sissie listens to an eminent Doctor who said he stayed in Europe “to educate them to recognize our worth.” Sissie asks by “them” does he mean “white people” and he says “well, yes” (129). Sissie can hear the violence of that yes, because she can, we can.  Some end up having to polish themselves in order to considered worth something, make themselves more palatable, appearing grateful, smiling, as shiny as the objects Sissie sees in the marketplace.

Think of diversity: we, people of colour, have to smile for their brochures, our smiles, their sheen. I recall how the Professor heard a no in my use of the word implicated. Those of us living and working in Europe whose families came from countries colonized by Europe are asked, nay required, to gloss over the violence of histories that led us to be here.

Polish, polish, smile. To polish can mean to make something smooth and shiny by friction or coating, to see to one’s appearance, and also to refine or improve. Diversity can be a polished table, a happy fable of the table, creating the impression that everyone is welcome here. One diversity practitioner described diversity as “a big shiny apple, it all looks wonderful, but the inequalities aren’t being addressed.” Diversity can be a way of appearing to do something.  When people of colour become the polish, we end up feeling implicated in that appearance.

We might be asked to sit on the diversity committee. We often end up on these committees because of who we are not: not white, not man, not able-bodied, not cis, not straight. The more nots you are the more committees you end up on! We might have to smile on these committees too. A woman of color academic describes, “I was on the equality and diversity group in the university. And as soon as I started mentioning things to do with race, they changed the portfolio of who could be on the committee and I was dropped.” The word race is a killjoy word – just say it and your will be heard as negative or obstructive or destructive. When she is dropped, so too is that work, so too is that word.

 It is worth asking why she was mentioning “things to do with race.” Racism, that’s why. She told me that in her department’s research meetings, senior white men professors frequently made racist comments.  One person said, “I’m from London and London is just ripe for ethnic cleansing.”  She described how people laughed and how the laughter filled the room. But when she complains, she is told she has a “chip on her shoulder.” Nothing happens. She leaves.  When she is dropped from the diversity table for mentioning things to do with race, her colleagues are given permission to make racist comments at that same table.  This is how, under the banner of diversity, you are allowed to be racist but not call something racist. To call those viewpoints racist brings the whole thing into dispute, or even just into view, the table itself.

Those who cannot be at the table thus see more of it.  She told me about what happened when she contributed a paper for a special issue of a journal on decolonizing her discipline. She receives feedback from a white editor, “the response of the editor was “needs to be toned down, not enough scholarly input to back up the claims they are making.” Basically, get back in your box, and if you want to decolonize, we’ll do it on our terms.”  Whiteness can be just as occupying of spaces when they are designated decolonial; you are told the same old things by the same old people, tone it down, cite right, cite white, remove yourself from your text. Even when we create our own tables to dismantle the structures, we encounter the same structures.

“Get back in your own box.” Let’s return to the post box that became a nest.   There could have been another sign on that box, birds welcome!  

Diversity is that sign.  All those comments, tone it down, back up your claims, they function as letters in the box, piling up until there is no room left, no room to breathe, to nest, to be. If diversity is that sign, diversity obscures the hostility of an environment.

For some people, not being given enough time is how they don’t have enough room. I spoke to a lecturer who made a complaint after her university failed to adjust her work load when she returned from long term sick leave. She is neuroatypical, she needs more time to return to work, so she can do her work. Despite having evidence that the university did not follow its own policies, she does not get anywhere. She describes the experience of complaint as follows

It was like a little bird scratching away at something and it wasn’t really having any effect. It was just really small, small; small, and behind closed doors.  I think people maybe feel that because of the nature of the complaint, and you are off work so they have to be polite and not talk about it and so much of their politeness is because they don’t want to say something. And maybe [it is] to do with being in an institution and the way they are built; long corridors, doors with locks on them, windows with blinds that come down, it seems to sort of imbue every part of it with a cloistered feeling, there is no air, it feels suffocating.

A complaint can acquire exteriority, becoming a thing in the world; scratching away; a little bird, all your energy going into an activity that matters so much to what you can do, who you can be, but barely seems to leave a trace; the more you try, the smaller it becomes, you become, smaller; smaller still.  Scratching can give you a sense of the limits of what you can accomplish. Notice the birds have returned.  Little birds “scratching away at something,” rather like the birds in the post-box, trying to create a nest in a hostile environment.

I think again of the bird that landed on Arendt’s table. Could that bird be an invitation to think differently about common sense? Hannah Arendt suggests that if common sense gives us “that sensation of reality,” the activity of thinking is about losing it, “thinking can seize upon and get hold of everything real- event, objects, its own thoughts; their realness is the only property that remains stubbornly beyond its reach” (51-3).  So, when common sense is turned into a legacy project – we are back to the pounding on the table, the insistence that a table is a table or our table – what is lost is not reality as such but a sensation of it or an unthinking relation to it. People might not want to think about what they previously did not have to think about – they might not want to learn to use preferred pronouns or to pronounce different or “difficult” names.

This loss of unthinkingness is framed very quickly as an imposition on freedom. Speaking of unthinking, let me quote from the British prime-minister, Rishi Sunak. He said, “We want to confront this left-handed culture that seems to want to cancel our history, our values, our women.” The argument that women are also being cancelled expressed with that old sexist possessive (‘our women’) draws loosely from the ‘gender critical’ argument that the term gender has replaced sex.  Sunak has since said “A man is a man and a woman is a woman – that’s just common sense.”  When man is the answer to the question of what is a man, the answer is there is no question. Think of how little is being said here, how little we learn. If we were to say a tree is a tree or a table is a table, we would not be saying anything, or learning anything about trees or tables.  To pound on the table, to declare this is “our culture” or “our history” or “our women” is to defend an unthinking relation to the world or what I am tempted to call an unthinking freedom.

Common sense is used to remove the question of what is what or who is who. Questions can be made strange, a questioner a stranger.[5] All some of us have to do to throw something into question is to arrive, to try and to take up a seat at a table or to become a chair. Heidi Mirza, a woman of colour professor, described a conversation at her inaugural lecture as professor “a white male professor leaned into me at the celebration drinks and whispered bitterly in my ear, “Well they are giving Chairs to anyone for anything these days”’ (43).When a woman of colour becomes a chair, chairs lose their status and value. The value of some things is dependent on the restriction of who can have them or be them.

You are not really a chair so you damage a chair. You might be told you are not really a professor.  A not really migrates, reality turned into an arrow, made a measure: you might be told your relationships are not really relationships, that your families not really families, that you are not really from this country, that you are not really who you say you are, that you don’t really belong here, that your subject is not really a proper subject. You might be questioned, who are you, what are you, where are you from, no really. The one who throws things into question is made questionable.

Killjoy Truth: For some, to be is to be in question

Or you might be invited to have a seat at the table because you are the topic of conversation, hmmm, is it a real table, how do I know, are you real, how do you know, interrogated because of how you appear.  I talked to a trans student of colour made a complaint about sexual harassment and transphobic harassment from their supervisor who kept asking them deeply intrusive questions about their gender and genitals. These questions were laced in the language of concern for the welfare of the student predicated on judgements that they would be endangered if they conducted research in their home country. When they complain, what happens? They describe “people were just trying to evaluate whether he was right to believe there would be some sort of physical danger to me because of my gender identity… as if to say he was right to be concerned.” The same questions that led you to complain are asked because you complain. These questions make the concern right or even into a right; a right to be concerned. So much harassment today is enacted as a right to be concerned: we have a right to be concerned about immigration (as citizens), we have a right to be concerned about sex-based rights (as “adult human females”) and so on.

You can see why it is important to refuse to join some tables, to enter into debates where you are the question or the topic of conversation.  I think back to how, when tables are used as examples within philosophy, they disappear. When you are asked to debate your existence around a table, you are asked to witness yourself disappear.  In her aptly named article, “When Tables Speak”, Talia Mae Bettcher describes a tendency among some philosophers to approach “race, gender, disability, trans issues” as “no different methodologically from investigations into the question of whether tables really exist.”

We learn in time to diagnose what I call false positives, gestures that appear to be welcoming, opening a door or a dialogue, but are not.

Diversity is one such false positive.  “Birds welcome.” Minorities welcome: come in, come in! Just because they welcome you, it does not mean they expect you to turn up. “Let’s have a debate about sex and gender” is another false positive.  There might be another sign on the box, birds welcome to a debate, “Are You Really Birds?” That debate enables the posting of letters in the box, statements after statements about trans people not being who they say they are, that sex is real, gender, not, that we are real, you not.  Were you to write your letters to oppose their letters, they would end up in the same pile, leaving you with no room, to nest, to breathe, to be.

A conservative think tank could use that same sign, “birds welcome,” as evidence that the birds are a hegemony, a powerful lobby, pushing their way into our box. They might write letters about the birds; how wrong it is that they are given special privileges. The birds can help us to recognise something here: how some of us are called powerful without even being able to get into the damn box! The point is of course that those who understand the box as theirs, that common sense we sometimes call ownership, are still using the box, posting the letters, more and more letters, complaining about the woke and the snowflakes. Right now, in the UK as elsewhere, there are many attacks on diversity and equality by those who evoke common sense and other institutional legacies. It is not the time to abandon our critiques of what diversity is not doing. These very critiques give us the tools we need to explain what is going on.

CONCLUSION: QUEER TABLES

It is work to try and open institutions up to those who had not been accommodated by them not least because of the hostility directed towards anyone who makes that effort. So, sometimes we leave a table to continue the work.  In 2017, I left my profession in protest at the failure of the university to deal with the problem of sexual harassment. I began working to support students who had submitted a collective complaint about sexual harassment in 2013.  After three years, we could not even get a public acknowledgement that the enquiries had happened let alone why they had happened. It was like they had not happened which is, I rather imagine, the effect they were looking for.

I shared my reasons for resigning on my feminist killjoy blog because I could not resign in silence if I was resigning to protesting silence, addressing you as feminist killjoys as I am addressing you now. And I became a feminist killjoy all over again. The university quickly launched a public relations campaign: “We take sexual harassment very seriously and take action against those found to be acting in ways incompatible with our strong values relating to equality, diversity and inclusion.” If any of this had been even remotely true, I would not have had to resign.

I expected this reaction. What was unexpected was the reaction of some feminist colleagues. One colleague told me my action was “against the interest of many long-standing feminist colleagues who have worked to ensure a happy and stimulating environment.” We need to learn from how the disclosure of sexual harassment can be treated as compromising not just the institution’s happiness but feminist happiness. She also called my action “unprofessional.” I have been calling myself an unprofessional feminist ever since! Becoming professional is about being willing to keep the institution’s secrets, to become a filing cabinet. Becoming professional is about polishing the table, treating complaints as dust or damage, to be wiped away, dealt with in house.  Polishing is tied to progression: you are being told you will go further by smiling more, by willing to keep the institution’s secrets. This is what I call a reproductive mechanism: those who go further within the institution are less likely to question their complicity in violence.

Sometimes it is those who are closest to us, with whom we share an allegiance, who tell us we are not doing it right, that we are not polished enough, polite enough. I don’t think we are going to change institutions by doing it right.  And those of us who don’t do it right, who do not polish the table, or ourselves, know so much more about institutions, see how so much of the tables remains unseen. That is why, I learnt so much more about tables themselves, what they do, how they work, from listening to those who are trying to change institutions, who see that what they sometimes call reality, at other times, legacy, is a thin veneer.

Trying to change institutions, releasing information that was supposed to polished away or filed, is treated as damaging them. Those some actions are how we create another communication network. After I posted about my reasons for resigning on my blog, I began to receive messages from many different people telling me about what happened when they complained. I heard from other people who had left their posts and professions as a result of a complaint. One story coming out can lead to more stories coming out. Even when a complaint leads you to leave, you leave something behind.  I think of how after I left students put words from my work, killjoy words, on the wall. Yes, they were taken down. But they cannot stop them from having been there.

The lecturer who described her complaint as a “little bird scratching away at something” also left her post and profession. She read her resignation letter out “I wrote a two-page letter and it was really important to me to put everything in there that I felt so that it was down on paper. And then I asked for a meeting with the Dean. I kind of read the letter out in a performative kind of way just to have some kind of event.” Her complaint fills the space she leaves. She wanted to do more, to put her letter on the wall: “I just thought I am not the kind of person who would put my resignation letter on the wall, but I just wonder what it is that made me feel that I am not that kind of person because inside I am that kind of person, I just couldn’t quite get it out.” Perhaps that is what our work is about; how we help each other to get it out, to get out complaints onto wall, turning that wall into a table, a surface for writing.

The more we leave behind us, the easier it is to find us.  I am reminded of the pansy project by Paul Harfleet. Harfleet planted pansies in all the places he knew that homophobic violence and abuse had taken place. Pansies are flowers; the word pansy a slur. We make something by repurposing what has been used against us. We plant something, a new growth of some kind, to mark the site of violence, to tell us what happened here.  Or we might think of Queering the Map, a community project for digitally mapping LGBTQIA+ experiences. Recently, queer Palestinians used this digital map to share their stories, before they disappeared under the rubble.

One story, “I just want this to be my memory here before I die.”

We cannot not be shattered by this.

We should be shattered by this.

We must be, even.

We need to receive the messages, to tell the story of what is happening here. We need to carry the words such as those given to us by Refaat Alareer, Palestinian writer, scholar and poet, murdered by Israel.  His poem, “If I must die,” begins, “if I must die, you must live to tell my story.” A poem can be a gift– a poem read out, translated, given life, spoken out, by so many, world over, from grief, from rage, with love. [6]A poem as a gift. A gift as an image. Alareer gives us an image of a piece of cloth, and some strings, becoming a kite, “flying up above,” so that a child in Gaza, might see it and “think for a moment an angel is there, bringing back love.” That cloth, those strings, words strung together, becomes a story we must live to keep telling; a hand, setting the story free.

I hear Audre Lorde here. In an interview with Adrienne Rich, Audre Lorde describes how she was “sickened with fury” about the acquittal of a white policeman who had murdered a Black child that she had to stop the car to get her feelings out.  What came out was a poem she called “Power.”  She teaches us that we sometimes have to stop what we are doing to register the impact of violence.  Lorde took so much in, the violence of the police, the violence of white supremacy. She took it in to get it out. In that poem, Lorde uses an image of what poetry is not, poetry is not letting our power “lie limp and useless as an unconnected wire.” Lorde uses words like electricity, snap, snap, sizzle. We can pick up her words because she left them for us. We can take them out; Lorde’s words, Alareer’s too, onto the streets; the snap of a slogan, a no, a stop, stopping the car, the cars, that flow of human traffic.  To say no, to stop that flow, we need more of us.  This is the last killjoy truth of the handbook: the more we up against, the more we need more.

The more we need more. That’s a queer table, coming out of what we need. In another poem, “A Litany for Survival,” Audre Lorde evokes “those of us,” who “love in doorways coming and going in the hours between dawns” (31) A doorway can be a safer place to meet, if you need to slide by undetected, if you have a better chance of survival by not being seen. Even a writing table, seemingly solidarity, can be a place to meet.

A writing table, a queer gathering

A doorway, a meeting place

A kitchen table, a publishing house

 A post-box, a nest      

Disrupting usage and creating a shelter can refer to the same action. A queer door can be not only how we get into spaces not intended for us but how we make room so we won’t be, as it were, displaced by the letters in the box or displaced too quickly. I say “displaced too quickly” as spaces created from self-assembly are precarious; who knows what letters will end up pinned to the door. And these spaces are not simply warm and happy even if they involve joy, queer joy, killjoy joy, that comes from crafting worlds and finding each other along the way. Why? Because the killjoy always arrives before we do. And so, in time, we learn not to project antagonism onto the outsider or the stranger. When we create spaces by assembling, those spaces, tables also, do not transcend what we assemble to oppose.

It was a killjoy joy to attend recently the Palestinian solidarity encampment at Oxford University, to listen to students, to hear the how of their resistance to the genocide; the collective effort to force their institution to recognise its complicity, to divest from Israel and other imperial-war machines, as they were working out how to care for each other, and for the camp, for the tents, tents as tables, tents for cooking, for welcoming, for reading, for quiet times, for wellness, for shouting, for saying no, to business as usual. To assemble, to say no, to do no, throws so much open. We throw ourselves into a project that is urgent, necessary, doing what we can, being there, in the wear and the tear, for as long as it takes.  So, when I evoke queer tables, I do not think of us sitting around, having conversations about what to do. I think of us doing it. Thank you.

References

Aidoo, Ama Ata Our Sister Killjoy: Or, Reflections from a Black-Eyed Squint. Harlow: Longman, 1977.

Arendt, Hannah, The Human Condition. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1958.

—- “Reflections on Little Rock,” Dissent 6, no. 1, 1959.

—– The Life of the Mind. San Diego: Harcout Brace and Company, 1978.

Banfield, Ann (2000). The Phantom Table: Woolf, Fry, Russell, and the Epistemology of  Modernism. New York: Cambridge University Press.

Bettcher, Talia M. “When Tables Speak: On the Existence of Trans Philosophy, https://dailynous.com/2018/05/30/tables-speak-existence-trans-philosophy-guest-talia-mae-bettcher/ (2018).

Husserl, Edmund. Ideas: General Introduction to Pure Phenomenology, trans. W.R.Boyce Gibson, London: George Allen and Unwin, 1969.

Lorde, Audre “Litany for Survival” and “Power” in The Black Unicorn. New York: Norton, 1978, pp, 31, 108.

Marx, Karl. Capital: Volume 1. Translated by Ben Fowkes. London, Penguin Classics, (1867), 1990.

Moraga, Cherríe “Afterword: On the Fourth Edition,” This Bridge Called My Back: Writings By Radical Women of Colour. State University of New York Press, 2015.

O’Sullivan, Sue. “The Cookbook with a Difference and How to Use It’, Turning the Table: Recipes and Reflections from Women. London: Sheba Feminist Press, 1987.

Rich, Adrienne “The Phenomenology of Anger” in Driving in the Wreck: 197172. New York: W. W. Norton, 1973.

— “Notes Toward a Politics of Location” in Blood, Bread, and Poetry: Selected Prose 19791985. New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1986.

The Fact of a Doorframe: Poems 19502001. New York: Norton, 2002.

Russell, Bertrand. The Problems of Philosophy. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001.

Scharnhorst, Rhiannon. “Composing at the Kitchen Table,” Graduate Association of Food Studies, 2019, https://gradfoodstudies.org/2019/06/16/composing-at-the-kitchen-table/.

Schutz, Alfred and Thomas Luckmann. The Structure of the Lifeworld, trans. Richard M. Zaner and H.Tristram Engelhardt, London: Heinemann Educational Books, 1974.

Smith, Barbara. “A Press of Our Own: Kitchen Table Women of Color Press, “ Frontiers, 1989, 10-3, 1-13.

Uildriks, Mark. “Hannah Arendt’s Notion of Common Sense and Reality,” Masters thesis, 2019. https://theses.ubn.ru.nl/server/api/core/bitstreams/4f71c5b6-317c-4101-9106-4c214b9df059/content

Young, Iris Marion. On Female Body Experience, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005, p. 159.

Notes

[1] Some readers have assumed my association of reality with spectrality in my reading of Husserl in Queer Phenomenology, meant that I did not understand that, for Husserl, the table is real (given his task is to resist idealism, reality matters). Rather I was trying to show that the sameness of the table is spectral (the table is the “only thing” to stay the same), which was a point about our access to reality and not reality as such.

[2] The blog can be found here. There are many examples of such uses of tables. So, “gender critical” feminist Kathleen Stock encourages her readers to “set boundaries” by starting with small claims such as “tables can’t be chairs” (ignoring the “furniture police”) before explaining why we need “mutually exclusive names for the two human sexes in order to talk clearly about them”.  In my project, I will offer a critique of just how common-sense assumptions about sex and sexual difference participate in shaping and making worlds (in other worlds, in materialisation). Although, I will offer a critique of “gender critical” feminism, that will not be the point or the focus of this work.

[3] In my common-sense project, I will try and show some of the limitations of Arendt’s  pluralism: we miss so much about the table, when we see it from the vantage point of different sides. I may connect the limitations of Arendt’s pluralism to her position on segregation in “Reflections on Little Rock”.

[4] Bacon, G. “What is Wokeism and How Can It be Defeated” Common Sense Thinking for a Post-Liberal Age, 2021, p. 22.

[5] In the longer project I will be drawing on the sociologist Harold Garfinkel’s breaching experiments to show how certain questions are treated as hostile because of how they pull people away from a practical activity (when we do things, including describing what we are doing, we bracket the meaning of the words being used). Note also how often common-sense arguments contrast reality with feeling (so for example, sex is real, gender a feeling). I hope to show how what gets called reality is precisely a feeling, or “a sensation of reality,” to borrow Arendt’s very useful term.

[6] See Salih J. Altoma’s important discussion of this poem in relation to Alareer’s earlier resistant poetry. See also Ruwaida Amer’s discussion of kites as symbols of  hope and of Palestinian (and Palestinian children’s) existence and resistance.

 

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Some observations on the use of “Protected Beliefs” (and the misuse of Employment Tribunals)

The Equality Act (2010) remains an important tool for protecting people from direct and indirect discrimination as well as harassment on the grounds of gender reassignment; marriage or civil partnership status (in employment only); pregnancy and maternity leave, race including colour, nationality, ethnic or national origin; religious or philosophical belief; sex; and sexual orientation. Recent cases brought to Employment Tribunals have foregrounded how the protection of belief is coming into conflict with other protections. Some beliefs that have been deemed “worthy” or “capable” of being protected, such as “gender critical” beliefs that sex is immutable and religious beliefs that marriage is exclusively heterosexual, are understood by groups with protected characteristics as offensive and potentially discriminatory. Many legal firms describe the situation as requiring a balancing act. One post is entitled, “It’s a balancing act: Well, technically it’s the Equality Act.”[1]

I offer here some preliminary observations on problems that follow protecting religious or philosophical beliefs based on my analysis of decisions made by Employment Tribunals. It is my view that not only have some Employment Tribunals failed in the task of balancing different protections but the Tribunals are being misused as tools for the targeting and harassment of groups they should be protecting. My prediction is that this situation will only worsen without direct intervention such as a judicial review.

I write this post not as a legal expert but as a scholar who has undertaken empirical research on equality and diversity within public institutions, in particular, universities, for well over 20 years. My research has included interviews with diversity and equality practitioners, administrators responsible for handing complaints, as well as students and academics who have made complaints about harassment and discrimination. I began doing empirical research on equality and diversity work just after the Amendment to the Race Relations Act (2000) came into force. This Amendment reconceptualised equality as a positive duty, which meant that all public authorities were required not only to prevent “unlawful racial discrimination” but “to promote equality of opportunity and good relations between persons of different racial groups.”[2] When the Equality Act (2010) replaced all existing legalisation on discrimination and harassment, it redeployed and strengthened the definition of equality as a positive duty.

In my forthcoming book, A Complainer’s Handbook: A Guide to Building Less Hostile Institutions, I draw on Employment Tribunals as source materials with a particular focus on how decisions have developed definitions of “hostile environment.”[3] My motivation in writing this post is not to share these findings but to consider some of the implications of a recent Employment Tribunal, Jo Phoenix Versus The Open University (3322700/2021 & 3323841/2021). In this case, objections to the setting up of a Gender Critical Research Network at The Open University were key. Colleagues raised concerns about the potential impact of this network on the wellbeing of trans and non-binary students and staff. Many signed an Open Letter in or as an expression of solidarity (that solidarity was key to how the Open Letter ended up being signed by over 300 people was acknowledged in the tribunal). Judge Young found that Phoenix’s claim for direct discrimination on the grounds of her “gender critical” beliefs was well founded and that she was constructively dismissed. The Judgement concluded that the Open Letter created a hostile environment for the Claimant. The VC of the Open University has since “unreservedly apologised” to Professor Phoenix.[4] The media has widely reported the case as evidence that “gender critical” feminists are being “hounded out of the jobs,” to quote directly from the title of at least one article, because of their protected beliefs.[5]

I want to offer some preliminary observations both on the judgement and how it has been reported.[6] I would argue that it is written not simply from the point of view that “gender critical” beliefs should be protected but as if to confirm their validity. One way it does this is by treating the case as a dispute between people with different beliefs. In fact, the judgement goes further by giving character to the beliefs of those who expressed concern about, or objected to, the setting up of the network by contrasting “gender critical” beliefs with “gender identity” beliefs or “gender affirmative” beliefs.[7] This is very misleading. Many who are critical of “gender critical” beliefs, and who consider the “gender critical” movement to be hostile to trans rights, do not regard themselves in these terms or use these terms in their work.  Yes, the term “gender identity” is used in legal and administrative discourses, becoming key in enabling trans people to access health care and other services. But legal and administrative discourses rarely form the political horizon for groups who are fighting for equality.

The main problem with treating “gender identity” or “gender affirmative” as beliefs is not, however, because of how it misrepresents opposition to “gender critical” beliefs. It is in the very use of the language of beliefs. Under the Equality Act (2010), gender reassignment is a protected characteristic not a protected belief. By treating the dispute as a conflict between beliefs, the judgement validates the “gender critical” belief that gender reassignment is a belief, which it calls the “gender identity” and sometimes the “gender affirmative” belief. To put this in more simple terms, the judgement treats trans people as a belief. If you examine the reporting on the Tribunal decision, the consequences of this treatment become clear. A “gender critical” journalist Sonia Sodha made the following statement: “that whether someone is male or female is a matter of reality, not belief.” She suggests that “someone’s gender identity, or belief about their sex, cannot supersede their actual sex for all purposes in society.”[8] When gender reassignment is transformed from a characteristic to belief, sex is treated as a characteristic that supersedes that belief.

This is how the judgement does more than protect a belief; it validates it. Note also the use of sympathy or what I would call sympathetic description. Whilst it uses sympathetic language for the claimant – with references in the first few pages to how she was “visibly upset,” it does not treat the Respondent’s witnesses in the same way. I was very struck by the following statement: “We had in mind that the majority of the witnesses we heard from were academics. These were professionals who had been trained in the methodology of research and presentation of fact and analysis producing argument. We expected a certain basic level of rigour in presenting the evidence before the Employment Tribunal. There were some witnesses who we address below in our findings who did not meet this standard.”  I find this statement concerning because of how it positions witnesses for the Respondent as if they are being called upon as academics or researchers impartially recording events rather than as being implicated in, and affected by, them. There is no acknowledgement that witnesses were, like the Claimant, distressed by these events. Judge Young questioned one witness about how to describe trans women who have not surgically transitioned and then commented harshly on the failure of the witness to provide an adequate answer on the spot. There is no sign of any awareness of how this kind of questioning, so often directed towards trans people themselves, might be part of the problem.

Sympathy is not simply about acknowledging hurt. To be sympathetic to someone is also to create a picture from their point of view.[9] The judgment states that the Claimant’s colleagues made complaints or tried to suppress her speech (referring to a colleague who “on multiple occasions” had “complained or tried to get her view suppressed”). It also quotes from the Claimant that she had “steeled herself” for internal complaints but that she was unprepared for the reactions by colleagues. The picture provided in the judgement is of an academic and a network being unfairly targeted by complaints about transphobia.

Is this an accurate or full picture?  It would usually be very difficult to answer such a question because complaints are mostly kept confidential. But one of the consequences of bringing a grievance to an Employment Tribunal is that material that would otherwise remain confidential enters the public domain.  Evidence submitted by the Respondent to the Employment Tribunal included a What’s App chat. Here the Claimant encouraged her “gender-critical” colleagues to make formal complaints or take grievances against anyone who signed the Open Letter. The lawyer for the Respondent suggested she was “exhorting” other people to submit formal grievances and complaints, which would, of course, be a problematic abuse of power and position.  The Claimant disagreed with this description. She said instead that she was “encouraging them to consider” making complaints. Whether we use positive or negative language (“exhorting” or “encouraging”), the evidence is of an incitement to complain. So, whilst the judgement quotes from the Claimant about how she steeled herself for “internal complaints,” it is worth noting she was not only making them but also inciting others to do so.

Evidence submitted to the Employment Tribunal also included the Claimant’s grievance, which makes the following request: that university officials write to all signatories of the Open Letter warning “that unless they retract their signatures and sign an open letter of apology retracting the allegations contained in the open letter, they will be subject to investigation for breaching the Bullying and Harassment Policy.” So, whilst the judgement refers to colleagues who had “complained or tried to get [the Claimant’s] views suppressed,” the evidence seems to point to how complaints and grievances were used to suppress the views of those critical of the network.

The judgment does not acknowledge any problems with this use of complaints and grievances despite the evidence submitted. The implication of the judgement is that Open letter was more problematic than “internal complaints” because of its status as a public document that showed the extent of opposition. My own view is that it was appropriate for objections to the network to be made public rather than made through formal complaints, which as I note above, tend to kept confidential (even after they have been “resolved”). It seems more appropriate to make objections public given they were about the creation of a public forum.  I might add here that the judgement itself seemed to treat publics and not just people rather unequally. So, whilst much is made in the judgement of “pile ons” directed at the Claimant on social media, there is no mention of the “pile ons” instigated by the Claimant, drawing on her extended network of participants in the “gender critical” movement, against those who signed the Open Letter.

The Judgement also does not really acknowledge why so many colleagues objected to the setting up of a Gender Critical Research Network. These objections are simply dismissed as creating a hostile environment for the Claimant.   It is noteworthy that the first Tribunal to deem “gender critical” beliefs worthy of protection, the Appeal brought by Maya Forstater, was not so dismissive of objections to those beliefs (2021, KEAT/0105/20/JOJ). In fact, this judge acknowledged that other people will find “gender critical” beliefs “profoundly offensive.”

Let’s retrace some of the steps. In Forstater’s original tribunal, the judge concluded, “from … the totality of the evidence, that [Forstater] is absolutist in her view of sex and it is a core component of her belief that she will refer to a person by the sex she considered appropriate even if it violates their dignity and/or creates an intimidating, hostile, degrading, humiliating or offensive environment. The approach is not worthy of respect in a democratic society” (2019, 2200909). The offensiveness of her belief is related here to how it would manifest in her conduct towards persons with the protected characteristic of gender reassignment.

As is well known, this judgement was overturned at appeal. The appeal judge concluded, “Just as the legal recognition of civil partnerships does not negate the right of a person to believe that marriage should only apply to heterosexual couples, becoming the acquired gender ‘for all purposes’ within the meaning of GRA does not negate a person’s right to believe, like the claimant, that as a matter of biology a trans person is still their natal sex. Both beliefs may well be profoundly offensive and even distressing to many others, but they are beliefs that are and must be tolerated in a pluralist society.”[10] The protection of the belief involved here an acknowledgement that the belief, however it is expressed or manifest, “may well be profoundly offensive and even distressing to many others.” That is why the toleration of such beliefs in a pluralistic society does not mean that other people will not find them “profoundly offensive,” any why objections to such beliefs should be expected as well as tolerated. After all, the Equality Act (2010) states explicitly that to protect a belief is to protect those who do not have it. So, whilst an employer cannot discriminate against someone for having these beliefs (as long as they manifesting in a way that does not infringe on the rights of others), an employer should also not prevent other employees from manifesting objections to it.

The Open Letter was an objection to a manifestation of a belief. The tribunal found the Open Letter was “not scholastic,” and thus not an exercise in academic freedom. Surely it was not intended to be. It would be better understood as an exercise in free speech. A major problem with the judgement is imply this failure to acknowledge that “gender critical” beliefs are “profoundly offensive and even distressing to many others,” to quote again from the Forstater ETA. In other words, it separates “gender critical beliefs” as such from the likely cause of any objection, thus creating the impression that the objections came from individual colleagues who are “uncomfortable” with “gender critical” beliefs. But these objections are, in fact, widely shared by feminists, gender studies scholars, as well as diversity and equality practitioners, as evidenced by the nature and extent of support for the Open Letter. 

The background assumption of the judgement seems to be that only some manifestations of “gender critical” beliefs are hostile to trans rights or transphobic (such as misgendering a colleague). In other words, the assumption is that the beliefs are not themselves trans-hostile or transphobic (and that anyone who describes them as trans-hostile or transphobic would be harassing those who hold these beliefs). This is why the main evidence used in the judgement that the Open Letter created a hostile environment for the Claimant was that the Claimant was not herself transphobic or hostile to trans rights. And what is the evidence for this? The evidence given is that the Claimant herself stated she was supportive of trans rights in a single lecture given to the Woman’s Place UK in 2019[11] and in one tweet. This rather flimsy evidence is the basis for the justification of the claim that the Claimant and the research network were not transphobic or hostile to trans rights and that anyone who made that claim was engaged in harassment against the Claimant for her “gender critical” beliefs.

Experts in the field of Gender Studies, feminist academics and equality and diversity professionals, are the very speedily dismissed by the judgement as making false statements and as defaming the claimant. A particular concern in the Phoenix judgement seemed to be the use of the terms “transphobic” or “trans-hostile” by colleagues who objected to the setting up of the research network. I think much of this concern is based on a failure to understand what these terms are doing or saying. They do not mean that an individual person feels animosity towards trans people. Like “homophobia” these terms describe effects more than intents – indeed “harassment” by definition is about effects more than intents. Many people who make homophobic or transphobic statements often preface these statements by stating they have nothing against gay people or trans people or even that they support them.

Take for example the Employment Tribunal brought by Kirstie Higgs against Farmor School (Case No: EA-2020-000896-JOJ). Higgs successfully appealed the earlier decision that her termination of employment was justified on the grounds of her protected beliefs as a Christian that you cannot change gender and that homosexuality is a sin. Higgs had shared posts on her private Facebook account claiming that “The LBGT crowd with the assistance of progressive school systems are destroying the minds of normal children by promoting mental illness.  Delusional thinking is a form of psychotic thinking, and we have professionals promoting it to our young kids.” In the judgement she is quoted as saying, “I don’t regret making the posts, it’s about the children in the primary school. I don’t have any issues with gay, lesbian or transgender people, I love all people.” The judge then took these statements at face value as if saying you are not homophobic or transphobic makes you not so.

In another Employment Tribunal, Samuel Jackson Versus Lidl (2020, 2302259/2019/V) the Claimant argued that he was wrongfully dismissed for refusing to apologise for making a racist statement, “Asians are Greasy.” He made a claim that he did not have to apologise as he was a Stoic and that Stoicism should be a protected belief. The judgement agreed:

From his description of the philosophy and of his own thought patterns, it may appear to an independent observer to be an emotionally narrow set of beliefs and indeed the Claimant said that it was inconsistent with Stoicism to display emotions. He described himself as not being a “consequentialist”, by which he meant that the consequences of what he says or does would not prevent him from saying or doing that thing. He told me that, “The realisation that the consequence of what I say would cause offence would not stop me from saying it”. Explaining further, he said: “In interpersonal relationships, it would not be the potential for offence that prevented me from saying something.”

Even though Jackson’s case was successful (despite its rather obvious caricature of Stoicism), it would be absurd to conclude that this makes the statement “Asians are greasy” any less offensive to Asian people. We would be quite entitled to call that statement racist even if it was judged to be a permissible statement for someone with the protected belief of Stoicism. Indeed, I would argue that the beliefs that lead some people to make offensive statements have little or no bearing on whether or not other people will find them offensive. To draw parallels, when a person states that homosexuality is a mental illness or a sin, that statement would not be any less offensive to lesbian and gay people if it was made because of a person’s religious beliefs. Or, when a person states that trans women are deluded when they say they are women, that statement would not be any less offensive to trans people if it was made because of a person’s philosophical beliefs.

The problem here seems to be that terms such as “racism” or “homophobia” or “transphobia” are being treated as slurs or insults. Indeed, in the Phoenix case, much seems to have been made of the fact that a colleague is alleged to have described her as “like a racist uncle at the dinner table.” I would accept that the claimant’s feelings were hurt by the comparison if it was made. I would also add that even racist uncles would probably be hurt by being called racist uncles. Neither racism nor transphobia should be understood as being about hurt feelings of those named as such. They are instead how we describe statements that position racial minorities or trans people in problematic ways – as dirty or as dangerous, for instance.

Nevertheless, an argument could be made that the setting up of the Research Network did not necessarily mean it would circulate problematic or offensive statements about trans people. Perhaps those involved are careful to manifest beliefs such as “sex is real” in ways that seem polite or reasonable. Immediately we have a clue here as to how offensive statements circulate by appearing as polite. Politeness can be a rather thin veneer (the word polite shares its roots with the word polish). Many statements that do not seem obviously transphobic or trans-hostile to people who are not trans or non-binary or at least aware of these issues, can be so.

For example, the judgement quoted from a witness who found the 2019 lecture by the Claimant “upsetting,” but quickly dismissed that response: “We considered the transcript of the talk…and there is nothing in the talk that we find that would be upsetting.” If they could not hear it, it does not mean it was not there.  When I listened to statements such as those provided by the Claimant in her 2019 lecture, I can hear not just what is said but what follows what is said. In this lecture, the Claimant contrasts the “structural harms” and “structural inequalities” of race, sex and class to the subjectivity of “mutable” gender. She suggests that trans activism is problematic because of how it has imposed “subjectivity” and “the new reality game” as the basis of politics: “the right of an individual to force social organisations and institutions to accommodate their ultimately mutable, changeable senses of their gendered self.”[12] In contrast she says she wants to emphasise the “importance of external reality,” “facts” as well as “expertise.” One might point out that sexual orientation is also about subjectivity and that many “structural harms” follow the failure to recognise lesbian and gay desires, relationships and families as being real and authentic. But such a point would interrupt the core distinction made throughout the lecture between the subjective and structural, which maps onto the more usual “gender critical” distinction between the fictional and real.  This might seem like a mere academic argument about terms, which should not be “upsetting” to academics who are used to arguing over terms. But those of us who know the debate also know how these terms are used. We know that some of the most problematic work continues to circulate because of how these terms are treated as is they are just an academic debate. Terms have real life consequences.[13]

In a follow up post, “Gender Critical Feminism as a Hostile Environment,” I will explore how seemingly neutral or inoffensive statements like “sex is real” are part of a wider web of speech acts that when pulled together would be best described as trans-hostile.  But let me share some preliminary thoughts here. Statements such as “sex is real” slide quickly into statements about how trans people are not real; that they are “deluded” or “disassociated” from reality (both these words are regularly used by “gender critical” feminists as well as other trans-hostile commentators). Statements that trans people are “deluded” are (or should be) understood as self-evidently hostile to trans people, suggesting trans people are mentally ill or are living inauthentically. Other statements turn that delusion into a danger, claiming that trans people are trying to force other people into accepting their beliefs about who they are. Statements such as these are (or should be) understood as self-evidently transphobic (in the sense of constructing trans people as dangerous, as people to be feared).

Take for example the work of Kathleen Stock whose articles are listed on the network’s website and who has been an expert witness on an earlier Employment Tribunal on “gender critical” beliefs.[14] In her book Material Girls, which is often described (at least by other “gender critical” commentators) as reasonable and “well-balanced,” Stock cites a blog that suggests that pronouns are a date rape drug.[15] The argument is that when trans women ask to be addressed as “she,” they confuse the senses, making cis women’s reactions sluggish. The writer of the blog claimed trans women intentionally use that sensory confusion to take advantage of other women, an explicit form of transmisogyny. Whilst Stock suggests this claim would be “fearmongering,” she lends it credibility by citing it as a source. She also sustains the core assumption that when trans women ask for their pronouns to be respected, their delusions are endangering others.

It could be argued that it is possible to make statements such as “sex is real,” without creating an association of trans people with danger and delusion. This possibility is often used as an excuse. But it is also more than that. It is turned into an instruction to treat such sentences as if they can be detached from the contexts in which they are made. Hostile environments are often reproduced by how we are asked to make light of individual statements, treating them as strays, cut off from a wider context. That is why when we refuse to make light of such statements, or detach them from this wider context, we hear the hostility, what these statements are being used to do.

And they are doing more than create sticky associations between trans people and danger. “Gender critical” journalist Helen Joyce recently argued that we should try to “reduce” the number of people who transition, because everyone who transitions is “damaged” and “a huge problem for the sane world,” whether they are “happily transitioned, unhappily transitioned or de-transitioned.”[16] The argument that “sex is real” becomes the basis of a call to “reduce” trans people, by making it harder for trans people to have access to what they need to live their lives on their own terms.

These arguments for “reducing” people who transition are not made by people who are at the fringe of an otherwise moderate moment. These are “gender critical” beliefs in action. Some of the most “polite” and “reasonable” members of the “gender critical” movement have been signatories on the Women’s Human Rights Declaration (WHRC), which calls for the “elimination” of “the practice of transgenderism” as well as the repeal of the Gender Recognition Act. Kathleen Stock, for example, has signed this declaration. I mention Stock here as she, like the Claimant, has stated she is not hostile to trans rights. We need to learn from the fact that it is possible to claim you are not hostile to trans rights whilst participating in a movement that has the explicit aim of removing them.

The language of “sex is real” is used in the very description of the core mission of the Open University research network, which is described as being concerned with “how sexed bodies matter,” and with critiquing “constraining stereotypes of gender.” Once you have entered the space of “gender critical” feminism, you learn to recognise how sex and gender are used like a map, how some people are positioned as in touch with reality (mattering as their terms matter), others as constrained by stereotypes (as deluded as their terms). Given the name of the network was the name of a movement which calls itself “gender critical,” which circulates many problematic statements about trans people as deluded, turning them into soundbites, colleagues had every reason to be concerned about its impact on LGBTQIA+ staff and students. In fact, I would argue they had a duty to be concerned! Under the Equality Act (2010), The Open University has a positive duty to promote equality for LGBTQIA+ staff and students. [17] One profoundly disturbing consequence of this judgement is that it has undermined the university’s capacity to carry out that positive duty. Alternatively, we could argue that The Open University has not fulfilled its obligations under the Equality Act (2010) by how it handled internal grievances against those who signed the Open Letter, by a seeming failure to give support to the witnesses during the Employment Tribunal itself, and by the quick and uncritical acceptance not only of the judgement but how it has been subsequently framed by the media.

There was yet another problem with the setting up of this research network, which in fact can be related to the very status conferred to “gender critical” beliefs as protected. The second Grainger criterion for a belief to be protected is that it has to be so certain that it would not be amended by any new developments or information. As Keith Patton notes, this criterion has its origins in a pre-Grainger case, McClintock v Department of Constitutional Affairs ([2008] IRLR 29, [2007).[18] The claimant was a magistrate involved in making decisions about the adoption of children. He asked to be excused from cases that involved the adoption of children by same sex couples on the grounds that there had been insufficient research into the effects of such adoptions on children. When the Respondent declined his request, he claimed that this amounted to discrimination on the grounds of a protected belief. But the Claimant also indicated that he was open to the possibility that further research might assuage his concerns. Patton explains why this indication was so decisive: “Mr McClintock’s belief was not immovable in all circumstances. He was open to the possibility that further research may assuage his concerns. On this basis, the EAT concluded that this was not a protected belief.” In other words, for a belief to be protected it needs to be held so deeply by a person such that they would not be swayed by any future developments.

Those with “gender critical” beliefs have successfully claimed these beliefs should be given the status of protected. But that they are protected has given us evidence of why “gender critical” beliefs are not an appropriate basis for a research network. Research is predicated on open questions, on not knowing the answers, and on being open to learn from new developments. This research network based on a protected belief is, by definition, not asking open questions about sex, gender and sexuality. That a research network is organised around “gender critical” beliefs demonstrates that any research coming out of such a network will be used instrumentally to affirm already existing set of beliefs. Hence the Claimant’s own research confirmed her pre-existing belief that, to use her terms, “male bodied” trans women should be excluded from single sex services. Note as well “gender critical” scholars often critique the Stonewall position of “no debate,” to suggest we have not been allowed to have a debate about sex and gender. But Stonewall’s “no debate” is a specific reference to trans people not having to debate who they are or how they understand themselves. As Judith Butler makes clear in their recent book Whose Afraid of Gender? many feminist, trans and queer scholars, have been having an open debate about sex and gender for decades.[19]

We can return to how those with “gender critical” beliefs tend to present those who oppose these beliefs as holding onto a specific idea of “gender identity.” Anyone familiar with the fields of Gender Studies, Queer Studies and Trans Studies will know that many trans-inclusive feminist and trans scholars have also offered strong critiques of this very idea of gender identity, just as they have offered critiques of the sex/gender distinction and of the idea of biological sex. Feminist critiques of biological sex are rarely acknowledged by “gender critical” feminists because the very fact of those critiques cast doubt on the claim that the problematising of sex has its origins in the movement for trans rights or in “postmodern queer theory” to quote from another “gender critical” academic Alice Sullivan.[20] In The Feminist Killjoy Handbook, I suggested that feminist critiques of sex are erased by “gender critical” feminists because of how they would problematise the foundational assumption not only of natal sex but of sex as natal to feminism.[21] So, really, it is not that “gender critical” scholars are themselves having a debate about sex and gender. They are simply restating the same set of beliefs (and obscuring so much feminist work whilst doing so). Just as protected beliefs are not a good basis for research, they are not really up for debate either.

Those of us who challenge these “gender critical” beliefs are not understood as exercising our free speech but as censoring or even harassing those who hold these beliefs. One is rather reminded of the Tory government, which can shift from a “there’s a free speech crisis” in universities to a “let’s call those who express views that are in opposition to our beliefs or traditions ‘extremists’” (with reference to those protesting for Palestinian freedom and against the genocide in Gaza) without so much as a pause. In an interview from 2021, Jo Phoenix talked about her hopes in making a case against Open University for constructive dismissal. She said she wanted “vexatious complaints” and “protests about transphobia,” to be treated as “harassment, full stop.”[22] She adds that such a move will enable “university managers,” to “nip all of this shit in the bud.” The implication of this interview is that any complaints about transphobia or indeed any use of the word transphobia should be treated as harassment. For many of us, such arguments translate as follows: some people will be free to express views we consider transphobic but we will not be free to express our views that they are transphobic.

Consider how Kathleen Stock is typically represented as having been forced out of her job by student protests or by trans activists. Stock was publicly supported by her vice chancellor on the grounds of protecting her free speech. In one instance, a PhD student from another university was scheduled to give a talk at the same time as Stock. The student was going to offer a critique of “gender critical” feminism including Stock’s work. Stock cancelled her own talk. “Gender critical” academics Judith Suissa and Alice Sullivan describe these events in the following way, “when Stock was invited to give a lecture on aesthetics at her own institution, graduate students invited a twitter-troll known primarily for her obsessive interest in Stock to give a talk denouncing her at the same time. Stock told The Times, ‘Forty faculty attended. I was very upset.’”[23] Not only was the PhD student simply dismissed as a “twitter-troll,” but that she was invited to speak and that people attended her talk was called “bullying.” The student’s own arguments are not represented as exercising her own free speech but as cancelling Stock’s (even though she technically cancelled herself).

The dismissal of critiques of gender critical beliefs as harassment is exercised in the actual judgement. The judgement is thus an import of an already-told, much-rehearsed story that gets told across diverse media about how “gender critical” feminists being hounded out of their jobs. Imports become exports. Many of the people who have written to me about being harassed by colleagues who are part of the “gender critical” feminist movement, have noted how these colleagues typically use the media to extend that harassment by telling the story of what happened, which they alone get to tell at least publicly, whilst using these same stories to position themselves as having been censored.[24] I noted in my 2021 book Complaint! that who controls the story of a complaint often repeats who controls the situation that the complaint is about. [25]

The dismissal of objections to the network as harassment of a person with “gender critical beliefs” is not only a failure of judgment but a sign of the success of “gender critical” feminism as a PR machine. And so, with the repetition of this story of censorship comes an increase in profoundly offensive speech acts about trans people as dangerous and deluded that many people will find “profoundly offensive,” to quote again from the Forstater ETA. Any objections to the network, or any critiques of the work of scholars attached to the network, can then also be used as evidence in future cases brought to Employment Tribunals.[26]

I opened this post by suggesting that how Employment Tribunals are dealing with cases of protected beliefs could threaten the Equality Act (2010) itself with its clear statement of “a positive equality duty.” I would argue that the success of “gender critical” feminists is in part because of the central idea that biological sex is immutable, what cannot be changed, is very attractive to people with a conservative “anti-woke” agenda. In other words, the successes of “gender critical” advocates at Employment Tribunals are not feminist successes; they might even signal the opposite of a feminist success – becoming the basis for an ever-tightening model of sex, reproduction, body, nature and culture that could end up eroding hard-fought-for rights including to bodily autonomy. The very identification of diversity and equality as “woke” is an argument that change is being imposed or that beliefs in change (that sex can be changed, or bodies, or marriage, or families, or institutions or history) are being imposed. Conservative and anti-woke commentators are thus now increasingly targeting equality and diversity initiatives in the UK and elsewhere. Queer rainbow flags, the use of pronouns in signatures, critical race theory, Gender Studies, diversity statements and gender inclusive language are all routinely dismissed and described as “ideological capture” and as “compelled speech.”[27]

Take another Employment Tribunal case brought by Sean Corby (2023, 805305). His employer, ACAS, had ordered him to remove comments he had made criticising Critical Race Theory on social media. Corby’s argument was that “critical race theory” encouraging division by branding white people racist. The tribunal unanimously concluded that Corby’s beliefs are “worthy of respect in a democratic society,” even “if they are not universally shared and were objected to by some of the claimant’s colleagues.” Mr Corby said of the judgement: “Colleagues who’d never met me and knew nothing about me or my life targeted me and called me a racist. This caused me a great deal of distress.” He added: “I’m delighted we have made a stand and taken a step to embedding in the workplace a more conciliatory and harmonious approach to dealing with issues around race.”

So, that is where we are: “opposition to critical race theory” is now a protected belief. This is despite how Corby totally misrepresents (or grossly caricatures) “critical race theory,” as being about segregation or about judgements about white people being bad. In fact, Corby reproduces almost exactly the misrepresentation of “critical race theory,” by many government ministers, who now use it as code for any work that reflects critically on Britain’s colonial past or that aims to address institutional or structural racism.  It seems that the demonisation of “critical race theory,” in the UK is following a similar trajectory to the US. As Black feminist scholar Kimberlé W. Crenshaw has noted, “For more than 30 years, scholars have employed critical race theory as an analytical tool. The right had rebranded, it as the new racism, as wokeness run amok, as a threat to innocent schoolchildren and as a stalking-horse for the demise of ‘Western civilization’ itself. The theory has become the target of coordinated efforts to stigmatize and erase generations of antiracist knowledge, advocacy and history.”[28]

In the UK, we are also witnessing coordinated efforts to stigmatize those who are fighting for equality. We need to acknowledge that Employment Tribunals are being used cynically to advance such an agenda. Conservative scholars such as James Murray and Eric Kaufman who use “anti-woke” as their primary platform, have suggested that Employment Tribunals could be brought to make “anti-woke itself” a “protected philosophical belief.”[29] Nurse Amy Gallagher is currently crowd-funding for her campaign “stand up to woke,” against her employer, the NHS.[30] Gallagher suggests woke ideology was forced on her and that it is “racist to talk about white people as a problem, presenting an ‘ideology’ as if it was true.” Much of what Gallagher references as “woke ideology” – including anti-racist training – are activities that came about at least in part from developments in equality frameworks, that path that has been laid out since the 2000 Amendment to the Race Relations Act, referenced in my introduction.

The campaign to make “anti-woke” a protected belief is thus, in effect, a campaign against equality and diversity initiatives. Many of us, myself included, have offered critique of those very initiatives for what they fail to do. It is not the time to abandon these critiques. Nevertheless, we need to understand how and why equality and diversity initiatives are being targeted through the use of “protected beliefs.” In effect, opposition to the Equality Act (2010) itself could become a “protected belief,” thus dismantling the very apparatus intended to make workplaces more equal for all. That is why those of us who are committed to creating more equal institutions, must do what we can to analyse and problematise these recent cases, tribunals and reports that are represented as “gender critical” successes and which are, in truth, creating an increasingly hostile environment for trans and queer people.[31]

Notes

[1] This post was in reference to Mr Thomas Richardson versus J.D. Wetherspoon (Case Number 3313748/2022). Mr Richardson, who described himself as Christian and Anti-Woke has been sacked after making offensive comments such as suggesting to a lesbian that “god will forgive you.” The original case was for discrimination on the grounds of religion and belief as well as disability discrimination. The former was withdrawn and the latter failed. The Tribunal stated, “Were an employer to fail to take action when employees have complained about being on the receiving end of such comments, they would be likely to find themselves facing sustainable complaints of discrimination on the part of the complaining employees.”

[2] I am using the exact language of the Act here: https://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2000/34/introduction/enacted. Many public sector employers used the term “race equality” to summarise the positive duty. The Equality Act (2010) then introduced the “Public Sector Equality Duty,” which means that public authorities must “eliminate discrimination, harassment, victimisation and any other conduct that is prohibited by or under this Act” and also “advance equality of opportunity between persons who share a relevant protected characteristic and persons who do not share it” and “foster good relations between persons who share a relevant protected characteristic and persons who do not share it.” (https://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2010/15/section/149). See Ahmed, Sara (2012), On Being Included: Racism and Diversity in Institutional Life. Durham: Duke University Press for further discussion.

[3] In a follow up post, I will draw on this material to explore how “gender critical feminism” operates as a hostile environment. In this post I focus only on readings of judgements from this and other ET and ETA’s. In the next post, I will draw on empirical material to show how many people have been harassed and bullied because they have objected to “gender critical” feminism – leaving many academics as well as administrators to leave their posts and to students leaving programmes. That, I will show, is the censored story.

[4] https://ounews.co/around-ou/ou-speaks-out/a-statement-from-professor-tim-blackman-vice-chancellor-of-the-open-university-regarding-the-recent-employment-tribunal-judgment/

[5] This is just one example of the reporting: https://www.christian.org.uk/news/open-university-prof-hounded-out-of-job-for-upholding-biological-sex-wins-case/.

[6] I put “gender critical” in quotation marks, because as I pointed out in a previous post (https://feministkilljoys.com/2021/10/31/gender-critical-gender-conservative/), those who use this term to describe their beliefs are often gender conservative because of their failure to be critical of the category of “sex.”

[7] This contrast between “gender critical” beliefs and “gender identity” beliefs was also made by the Appeal Judge in The Forstater case (UKEAT/0105/20/JOJ). My comments are not intended to dismiss all uses of this term. I rather question how it is used to allow this case to be framed as a dispute over beliefs. Note: I am aware that the Equality Act defines a protected belief in terms of those who have it or “lack” it. But when protected beliefs are offensive to those with protected characteristics, my own view is that it is morally wrong to frame the situation as a dispute over beliefs.  So, for example, if someone was deemed to have a protected religious belief that homosexuality is unnatural, it would be wrong to characterise other people in the work place as having a protected view that homosexuality is not unnatural. Why? Because those with the protected characteristic of homosexuality, would then be defined in relation to beliefs that are hostile and stigmatising.

[8] https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2024/jan/28/jo-phoenix-open-university-court-victory-gender-sex-based-womens-rights

[9] It could be simply argued that the judgement in favour of the Claimant is sufficient to explain the sympathetic presentation of her case. There have been other Tribunals where the use of sympathetic description (or unsympathetic description) has caught my attention. One example is Weeks Versus Newham College (2012) where the Claimant is treated by the Judge in a way that seemed very hostile and inappropriate (for example, by attributing malevolent intent to her complaints and by the apparent assumption that if a person has “a litany of complaints” that is evidence they were the problem). This decision stood out to be in part because of how the Judge’s definition of “hostile environment” has since been quoted by a number of other cases. I also read media reports about conduct of a senior lecturer at Newham College in 2013 that strengthened my own sense from reading the appeal that the Claimant was treated unfairly and that there was a hostile environment at the college that was sustained by the judgement. An additional problem in Phoenix versus The Open University is that the harm experienced by Witnesses for the Respondent, which is not even acknowledged by the judgement, is fundamentally relevant to it. Not acknowledging the harm experienced by Witnesses meant that the context that led them to write and sign the Open Letter was not properly acknowledged.

[10] For a very clear analysis of the implications of the Forstater Employment Appeal Tribunal see Jess O’Thomson (2022), “Don’t Overblow Forstater” https://transsafety.network/posts/dont-overblow-forstater/.

[11] I was struck in listening to this lecture that when the Claimant repeated the statement that she was supportive of trans rights, she said “again, for the record.” It gave me the impression that the statement was being made in order that it could be used as evidence she was supportive of trans rights. Note Woman’s Place (UK) is widely regarded by many feminist and equality and diversity practitioners as a trans-hostile organisation, myself included.

[12] Note here the use of the word “force” for a process that we would ordinarily be described as recognition. In A Complainer’s Handbook, I consider how much diversity and equality work is described as “forced change.” So, “we” are forced to accept gay relationships, queer families, use pronouns, people who are different to “us,” etc. Those who need institutions to change in order to be accommodated are often judged as being forceful, as forcing ourselves in.

[13] I have also listened to the podcast on Savage Minds which the Judge concluded was not trans-hostile nor offensive. The judge concluded that a transmisogynist slur was not a transmisogynist slur because it was not obviously directed towards trans women. My own view, is that this is a misunderstanding of how slurs work – they do not have to be directed toward the group they are mostly used against to be offensive to those groups or to others. I found the podcast to be offensive not only for the use of a transmisogynist slur, the smug and disparaging tone used throughout, punctuated by jokes and laughter, but for the caricaturing of the projects of diversity and inclusion. But at least it was an opportunity to hear just how “gender critical beliefs” lead to a deeply conversative institutional politics. The Claimant suggests that all employees of an institution are “by definition” included and that inclusion is just about “feeling included” thus ignoring decades of feminist anti-racist, disability justice as well as LGBTQIA+ research on the means and mechanisms whereby organisations exclude some people from participation. The Claimant suggests that welcoming trans people as well as “not employing just old white men” or getting Black and Minority Ethnic people to work with us (she gets her words wrong here, first using British rather than Black, just as she mixed up the words diversity and divergence) is just a managerial project of “squaring circles,” “chasing EDI credentials” and “feeling good.” The managerial misuse of diversity and inclusion (long documented by feminists of colour) is thereby conflated with the political struggle to build more accommodating institutions by minoritised groups ourselves. I think we need to interrogate especially the ways in which “gender critical” contributors now use “feelings” almost as a code word, to dismiss so much of our collective work. The critique of “gender identity” as just about feelings becomes a critique of equality and inclusion as just about feelings. Note when people of colour talk about exclusion we are often addressed as if we are talking about our feelings (that we feel excluded rather than are excluded). We can see how (as well as why) “gender critical” feminists participate in right-wing attacks or diversity and equality initiatives whether by framing them as just about people’s “feelings” rather than facts or as “woke”. See also Kathleen Stock on “The Woke Tide”: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/turn-woke-tide-leave-many-stranded-transgender-cass-report-3xh5kwm6x.

[14] I may return to how Stock used her position as expert witness in the following post. Stock makes confident but false claims about how racist speech in order to legitimate her confident but false claims about the neutrality of statements about trans people. The judge then treated these false but confident claims as if they were true.

[15] Stock, Kathleen (2021). Material Girls: Why Reality Matters for Feminism. Fleet: London.

[16] These comments were made during an interview with Helen Staniland. See https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8_u1MQFjxvI.

[17] I am referencing the positive equality duty in relation to the LGBTQIA+ even though this network or group does correspond to one protected characteristic as defined by the Equality Act (2010) but is a combination of many. I think one of the most dubious claims made by Akua Reindorf in her 2021 report for Essex University is that Stonewall’s schemes are based on the law as it would like it to be, not what it is, because the Equality Act does not mention “gender identity” as a protected characteristic (https://www.essex.ac.uk/-/media/documents/review/events-review-report-university-of-essex-september-2021.pdf). It is a dubious but much cited claim. Why dubious? Those who understand themselves as members of a group with a protected characteristic do not and will not use the exact language used by the Act itself to define themselves (many of us who have a protected characteristic as a member of a racial group don’t think of ourselves as “racial groups,” which is the language used in the Equality Act). Employment Tribunals have already shown that the attempt to delimit the protected characteristic of “gender reassignment” needs to be problematised. Take for example Rose Taylor’s case against Jaguar in 2017 for discrimination. Rose is non-binary and had raised a complaint with her workplace HR after two of colleagues referred to her as “it.” She was told by human resources, “well what else would you want them to call you?” The company had argued that her identity as non binary did not fall under the Equality Act protected characteristic of gender reassignment.  As part of the ruling, the tribunal found that “It was very clear” that Parliament “intended gender reassignment to be a spectrum moving away from birth sex, and that a person could be at any point on that spectrum… it was beyond any doubt that somebody in the situation of the Claimant was (and is) protected by the legislation because they are on that spectrum and they are on a journey which will not be the same in any two cases.” https://www.gov.uk/employment-tribunal-decisions/ms-r-taylor-v-jaguar-land-rover-ltd-1304471-2018. Returning to the uses of the Reindorf report, I think one of the reasons it is much cited is because of the effort to discredit Stonewall for their leadership on trans rights. One final point: one issue is how each of these reports informed by “gender critical” beliefs is that they then get cited as evidence by other reports written by other authors with “gender critical” beliefs. This creates a self-referential system, that gives the impression of rigour and scholarship without involving very much of either. It also creates the impression of a much wider consensus than actually exists.

[18] Keith Patton (2024). “Protected Beliefs Under the Equality Act,” Industrial Law Journal, dwad033, https://doi.org/10.1093/indlaw/dwad033.

[19] Butler, Judith (2024). Whose Afraid of Gender? Allen Lane: London.

[20] Sullivan (2022). ‘Why Surveys should not Conflate Sex and Gender Identity”. https://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/10093735/1/Sullivan_Sullivan2020SexandtheCensusIntlJnlSocResMethods.pdf. As this piece progresses, Sullivan uses more and more inflammatory and hostile language. She ends with the statement, “they are coming for our questionnaires.” The implication is that trans people (and queer theory) are stealing sex (and our data).

[21] Ahmed, Sara (2023). The Feminist Killjoy Handbook. London: Allen and Unwin. pp.69-72.

[22] Interview is available here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AR8fJH7BBlc

[23] Suissa and Sullivan (2002). “How can universities promote academic freedom? Insights from the front line of the gender wars.” https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full.

[24] I will discuss examples of how this works in a follow up post. The challenge here is to explain the mechanism whilst preserving anonymity of sources, which is a challenge given the high-profile nature of some of the commentators involved.

[25] Ahmed, Sara (2021). Complaint! Duke University Press: Durham, p.128.

[26] Since the publication of the decision, there have been a number of what I would call “veiled threats” on social media made by those involved in the “gender critical” movement to those who object to gender critical beliefs, implying they can or will or should be taken to Employment Tribunals.

[27] How “gender critical” commentators describe trans rights (and specifically Stonewall) as ideological capture reminds me of how anti-multicultural and anti-immigrant commentators refer to the “race equality industry.” These terms are used to imply equality agendas are really the capturing of policy by a powerful elite rather than a means to redress inequalities. In fact, I would describe “gender critical” feminism itself is an example of ideological capture – a coordinated movement trying to dismantle rights of trans people, enabled in part by key appointment of people with “gender critical” views in government and bodies such as the EHRC.

[28] https://www.latimes.com/opinion/story/2022-01-17/critical-race-theory-martin-luther-king

[29] See https://thecritic.co.uk/being-anti-woke-as-a-protected-philosophical-belief/

[30] See: https://standuptowoke.com/

[31] I know so many feminists who are alarmed by this campaign against trans rights as well as by the use of biological terms to describe social and political rights, but are reluctant to say or do anything publicly not because of “a trans lobby,” which amost everyone knows is a fantasy with a function, but because they know that to do so is to risk being targeted. It is the connections between “gender critical” academics and key stakeholders in media and government that is leading to the marginalisation of other more critical feminist voices. We need to share the task of critiquing “gender critical” feminist claims the best we can. But critique these claims, we must.

 

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The Need for Poetry

I am thinking of how we need poetry

To express ourselves

Practicing feminism

By bearing witness to genocide

To echo the words of Sarah Ihmoud

To get our no’s out.

To express, to press out, to speak one’s mind.

The sense evolution “perhaps via the intermediary sense of how clay under pressure takes a certain form.”

When I imagine that clay, I imagine not only how we give shape to something, but how we  under pressure to take a certain form.

Maybe we are supposed to be polite.

A smile, a container.

To express ourselves, to get it out of ourselves, ourselves out, means we have to resist that pressure.

That is why we need poets, now, more than ever, always now, always more than ever, whenever your now is.

The need for new words is not new.

Consider Lorde’s short essay ‘Poetry is not a Luxury’. The title is a claim. Lorde is making a claim about what poetry is not, perhaps because she is challenging an assumption about what poetry is.

For whom would poetry be a luxury? Lorde responds by saying that poetry is not that, not a luxury, that poetry is necessary, as necessary, perhaps, as bread. Poetry is what we need to sustain ourselves.

It is “through poetry,” Lorde suggests, “that we give name to those ideas which are ‒ until the poem ‒ nameless and formless ‒ about to be birthed, but already felt.”

Poetry is giving birth to new form. Feeling, for Lorde, is giving form to something.

Those who don’t fit the old forms need to create their own forms.

If we need to create our own forms, we don’t yet have what we need.

So, we need each other.

Lorde writes, “As we learn to bear the intimacy of scrutiny and to flourish within it, as we learn to use the products of that scrutiny for power within our living, those fears which rule our lives and form our silences begin to lose control over us.”

We are told that to leave the safety of a brightly lit path, the happiness path, the straight path, would be to cause your own misfortune, to steal your own future happiness, such that if something happens, if the worst happens, and let’s face it, shit happens, then you have brought this upon yourself.

You have to go towards what you have been taught to fear.

Speaking the words you have been told will cost you.

Speaking them louder.

Pointing to history, feeling the weight of the words.

Returning to that history with a demand for freedom.

With words, what can you do?

In her essay, “Eye to Eye,” Audre Lorde described racism and sexism as ‘grown-up words.”

We experience them before we can name what we experience.

To return to your past with these words is to see something that you did not, could not, see at the time.

This is why some of the work we do in giving problems their names could be understood as poetry.

The past becomes alive with new meanings. You become estranged from the past; you rearrange it. To rearrange the past is more than rearranging furniture, although it can feel like that, creating a different sense of space.

We open the door to the past, we let in it, because of what we did not see in what happened when it happened, the violence, the structure of it, the repetition, the pattern.

When we open that door, so much spills.

History spills.

I think of Alexis Pauline Gumbs’s Spill: Scenes of Black Feminist Fugitivity, her ode to the work and wisdom of Black feminist literary critic Hortense Spillers. Gumbs attends to Spillers’ words with love and care, to what spills, to words that spill, to liquid that spills out from a container, to being somebody who spills things.

Spillage can be a breaking, of a container, a narrative, a turning of phrases so that “doors opened and everyone came through.”

Spillage can be, then, the slow labour of getting out of something.

A poem, too, what spills.

In Undrowned, Gumbs teaches us to learn from marine mammals, what we need to breathe, to live, despite what is diminishing. We can be captured by the net of language, by names and pronouns, by how we are called into being. To free ourselves, we invent ourselves. We don’t demand recognition, to be seen. We cast our hopes elsewhere.

Gumbs asks: “What becomes possible when we are immersed in queerness of forms of life that dominant systems cannot chart, reward, or even understand?”

Dominant systems make so much and so many impossible.

We fight for possibility.

I think again of Lorde, who picked up on possibility, too, the time it takes.

Lorde wrote, “Poetry is not only dream or vision, it is the skeleton architecture of our lives. Possibility is neither forever nor instant. It is also not easy to sustain belief in its efficacy.”

Possibility can take the longest time because to make something possible requires dismantling what makes it not so.

Possibility is not plucked out of thin air.

Possibility comes from intimacy with what has thickened in time, the walls, the doors, how rooms are occupied, making it hard to breathe.

History is stale air.

A poem, a breath of fresh air.

To make something is to make it possible.

What we create is fragile because we need it to survive.

It is a loose thread.

Maybe our writing becomes looser as we refuse the requirement to express ourselves in a certain way.

We become conscious of words, how they matter, the sound of them.

In the language, we breathe.

Lightening a load by loosening the words.

Leaving our ends loose,

flopping and fraying.

We write, like we love, like we live.

telling tales, leaving trails.

The more we leave behind us, the easier it is to find us.

And by us, I mean each other.

Maybe that is what we do: find a way of getting no to you.

I talk about these words from Audre Lorde often. Because I hear so much in them. More each time.

How she was “sickened with fury” about the acquittal of a white policeman who had murdered a Black child that she had to stop the car to get her feelings out.

What came out was a poem she called “Power.”  

 Lorde teaches us that we sometimes have to stop what we are doing to register the impact of violence.

In that poem, Lorde uses an image of what poetry is not, poetry is not letting our power “lie limp and useless as an unconnected wire.”

Lorde uses words like electricity, snap, snap, sizzle.  

When Lorde stopped the car to write a poem about power, she took so much in, the violence of the police, the violence of white supremacy.

She took it in to get it out, a no, so that it can be passed around, so that it can be passed to others.

So, we can read her words now. So, we can pick them up and take them with us.

Language is a lead.

I am writing now, in the face of so much violence.

I am writing as Israel is carrying out a genocide against the Palestinian people, so much more violence built on so much more violence: long histories of forced displacement, of colonial occupation.

Our government is not only complicit in that genocide but is seeking to criminalise those who protest.

We protest.

Silence about violence is violence.

We cannot pass over the violence happening now.

Without passing over justice.

It makes it hard to speak.

What makes it hard to speak is why we need to do so.

And it is poetry that comes to mind, words sent out, such as those by Refaat Alareer, Palestinian writer, scholar and poet, killed by a targeted Israeli strike on December 6, 2023.

His poem, “If I must die,” begins

“If I must die

you must live

to tell my story”

A poem can be the gift of an image.

Alareer gives us an image of a piece of cloth, and some strings, becoming a kite, “flying up above,” so that a child in Gaza, might see it and “think for a moment an angel is there, bringing back love.”

That poem, read out, by so many, translated, by so many, kept alive, by so many.

We need to be so many to keep you alive.

That cloth, those strings, words strung together, becoming a story we must live to keep telling.

A hand, setting the story free.

It is an image of hope. And of freedom.

We fight for that hope. For freedom.

We fight for the liberation of Palestine, and we do so collectively, each line, each lead, each fragile thread, delicate, precious, leading us to each other.

To keep the connections alive is to carry the words, Alareer’s, Lorde’s words, too, onto the streets; the snap of a slogan, a no, a stop, stopping the flow of human traffic, stopping the cars, taking it in, more of it, in.

 

#FreePalestine #EndTheGenocide

 

 

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Find Other Killjoys

This was the first year since the beginning of the pandemic that I was able to be in the same room with other feminists, sharing our work, our words, our struggles. It meant so much. Presenting our work virtually has allowed us to reach each other in ways that we had not been able to before. But there is still something special about being in the same room together.

It was so energising, to feel that snap, snap, sizzle of an atmosphere.

To hear when you laughed. When you didn’t.

I am so grateful it was possible to do that. Thank you to everyone for sharing time and space.

I wrote The Feminist Killjoy Handbook as I wanted the feminist killjoy to be a shared resource; a handle, a hand. The figure of the feminist killjoy helps to make sense of how we become the problem for pointing out the problem, or how naming violence can mean we end up being treated as the cause of it.

You can killjoy when you don’t laugh at an offensive joke or when you refuse to cover over the injustices with a smile. You can killjoy because of what you do not and will not celebrate; national holidays that mark colonial conquest or the birth of a monarch. You can killjoy by entering the room because your body is a reminder of a history that gets in the way of the occupation of space. You can killjoy by asking to be addressed by the right pronouns or by correcting people if they use the wrong ones. You can killjoy by asking for that panel or that plenary not to be all white men, again. You can killjoy by asking to change a room because the room they have booked is not accessible, again.

Killjoy Truth: We have to keep saying it because they keep doing it.

But even if we are saying it because of what they keep doing, we are heard as the ones repeating ourselves, a broken record, stuck on the same point.

We are willing to repeat ourselves.

To be that broken record.

But:

It is hard to do that work on our own.

And so:

We need to find other killjoys.

That is one of my killjoy survival tips.

A student wrote to me she had shared my earlier book, Living a Feminist Life with friends, ‘I have been giving it to all of my girlfriends when they had their birthdays, and slowly, we are becoming a little group of killjoys.’ We might use the term consciousness raising, to describe the collectivity of feminist becoming. Another student wrote to me about her experiences of complaint. She wrote from a very painful place, giving me a trigger warning for the content she was to share. She wrote at the end of her letter, ‘My killjoy shoulder is next to yours and we are a crowd. I cannot see it at the moment but I know it’s there.’ I love the idea of a killjoy shoulder, of becoming feminist killjoys as we lean on each other.

Even when we cannot see a killjoy crowd, or especially when we cannot see it, it helps to know it’s there. I wrote The Feminist Killjoy Handbook, to say, it’s there.

Or we are here.

Find other killjoys is a survival tip, yes. It is also a research method, a way of reading texts, of recovering histories, and a life method, a way of connecting with people at a party, of surviving institutions.

When I took feminist killjoys on tour, I found other killjoys. And I didn’t just find you by meeting in person. I think of the event on October 4th at the Possible Futures bookshop in New Haven organised by Luciana McClure and Attallah Sheppard from Nasty Women Connecticut. Luciana and Attallah asked me about my killjoy ancestors. I spoke of my aunt, Gulzar Bano, to whom I dedicated the handbook (along with my friend Nila Gupta and bell hooks).

Finding other killjoys can also be going back in time, remembering those who came before.

There was a beautiful moment when we were all invited to share the names of other feminists who have inspired us in our own feminist journeys.

It is so moving how you can hear individual names, and then also that loud, loving noise.

When feminist killjoys enter a room, we bring others with us.

The more we are, the louder.

The more we come up against, the more we need more.

On return from taking the #FeministKilljoysOnTour for the launch of the US edition, I was going to do more. But I had to stop, to take in what was happening, the genocide in Gaza, the devastation.

Sometimes, we have to stop, to take it in, the violence in.

Sometimes, we need to be disorientated, to lose our bearings.

Or we are disorientated, whether or not we need to be.

Unbearable loss, grief, lost bearings.

Also rage.

I could no longer speak. My voice could no longer hold or at least I feared that my voice, usually my friend, would not be able to say the words that needed to be said. I am still writing, for some reason words keep coming out that way, writing about hostile institutions, how to survive them or, writing as I am now, about writing. But in the past months I could not bring myself to participate in any events in which I would have to speak. I could go to demonstrations, express my solidarity with Palestine, amplify the voices of Palestinian activists and poets and scholars on social media, read their work, signs letters and protest statements: but speaking with my actual voice, no, not that.

It might partly be that I could not imagine taking feminist killjoys back out on tour, virtually, at this time, to do anything that felt like it would be about promotion of my work, even though I know we don’t have to understand sharing our work using that logic. But whatever, it felt wrong to continue with the events I had planned. Still does.

I have been thinking about Chicana-Palestinian feminist Sarah Ihmoud’s question, “What does it mean to practice feminism in a moment of bearing witness to genocide?”In her beautiful piece, Ihmoud talks about her exchanges with Mona Ameen, a young Palestinian scholar in Gaza. She asks Mona if she has any messages for women and feminists around the world. Mona answers, “Keep posting and posting and posting about us … keep us in your prayers.” Sarah writes “ghassa غصة, that lump in our throat when the grief is thick and suffocating, to boldly disrupt the noise of complacency. We must loudly denounce this genocidal violence.”

As we enter a new year, we have to post and keep posting and be loud enough to get through that “noise of complacency.”

We speak to each other

Above that noise

For Palestinian freedom

For freedom

We speak to and through our grief

The struggle to get the words out

Why they matter

Even if we lose our voices when we speak

It is better to speak

You might be able to hear Audre Lorde here.

“It is better to speak.”

Better to speak to and with each other

To read for each other

To read each other

Finding other killjoys can be a reading project.

In Living a Feminist Life, I suggested we create our own killjoy survival kits. I included many books in mine. At the end of The Feminist Killjoy Handbook, I cite many books, old trails, old tales.

Citation is feminist memory.

The feminist killjoy herself could be understood as memory, a way of recalling part struggles.

I also include at the back of the handbook a recommended reading list for feminist killjoys. It includes many kick-ass books by Black feminists, Indigenous feminists and feminists of colour that have published since I first assembled my survival kit. They are in there now, doing their thing.

There are so many books that give killjoy inspiration! There will be more books to come. There will be more books to come because we need them.

Another feminist killjoy, Rajni Shah, wrote about their experience of setting up a feminist killjoy reading group in Sydney:

Several years later, the Feminist Killjoys Reading Group continues. Now there is a core group of five who meet regularly and organize monthly events at which anyone is welcome. It is a growing community. And creating this community is one of the ways of saying: it takes work to be a killjoy, and we need each other in order to be able to continue doing this work. In order for this work to exist, part of the work needs to be the work of finding solidarity and not parcelling each other up in the process.

I love how a reading group is a meeting group, a space opened for other killjoys to join. We need each other, more than ever. Finding other killjoys is finding solidarity. So, if you are reading The Feminist Killjoy Handbook in a group or class in 2024, I could pop in virtually to express my killjoy solidarity. I hope to keep Sarah Ihmoud’s important question “what does it mean to practice feminism in a moment of bearing witness to genocide” in mind. These will need to be small groups and non-public events.

If you would like me to join you, email thefeministkilljoyhandbook@gmail.com.

In killjoy solidarity

And in hope for a free Palestine

Sara xx

 

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Not At Peace With Oneself

I was asked a question earlier this month. I cannot remember the exact wording, but it went something like “is it sometimes ok to be silent to be at peace with oneself.”

If I had been asked this question at another time, or if the question had been asked using slightly different words, I might have given this answer:

We do what we can, where we can, by recognising our own limits, our capacities, and that can be a way of surviving politically, by which I mean, keeping hold of our commitments. Sometimes, then, withdrawal from a conversation or silence in a situation can be how we keep doing our work.

But in the words “at peace with oneself” I heard something else.

They gave me another answer.

There are times when we cannot be at peace with ourselves.

There are times when we should not be at peace with ourselves.

We are in those times.

It is not the time to be silent.

Nor at peace with ourselves.

I do not want not to be shocked by what is happening right now, as I get up, move around, begin each day. I do not want not to be conscious of it, to let myself be distracted by this project or that. If I get distracted, which sometimes I do, I remember how that too can be a privilege, when you are not having to work just to stay alive.

The shock cannot stop when what is shocking has not.

It is shocking, the genocide happening right in front of us, watched, endorsed, justified, cheered, even, by so many officials on the left and the right; the destruction of lives and hopes and dreams, memories, futures, places, spaces, the deaths of so many Palestinian people. I don’t want understanding how colonial occupation works as an architecture of brutality and surveillance, how the military industrial complex is a condition of possibility for the incarceration of populations and peoples; how extreme acts of violence by a state can be justified as a right to defence; how some lives are valued more than others, how some deaths count more than others; how reality is distorted to fit the interests of those who are powerful, made into another weapon, so perpetrators of violence don’t have to see themselves, to stop myself from being shocked by this.

And then the shock of how others are not shocked.

And then, having the Home Secretary Suella Braverman calling protests against the violence committed against the Palestinian people, protests calling a ceasefire, for freedom for Palestine, “hate marches.”

Maybe it is not shocking because of what we know, that long history of justification of the violence committed by Israel through the use of the charge “antisemitism” against anyone critical of Israel,  also “extremism,” deflecting not only the critiques but the violence they point to.

You can not be shocked because it has happened before. Because we have been here before.

You want it to be shocking before it is too late.

It is already too late for too many.

You want it to be shocking before it is too late.

The BBC did issue an apology for calling those who marched for Palestinian freedom “Hamas supporters.”

You can apologise for an action but still do it.

Drop the words keep the frame.

Michelle Donelan, Secretary of State for Science, Innovation and Technology, wrote a letter to UK Research and Innovation (UKRI). She says she finds that its appointment of individuals to its equality, diversity and inclusion advisory group who had expressed “extremist views” disturbing. It is a disturbing letter, singling out and naming two academics (I will not name then because that she named then was itself an abuse of power). One had tweeted that she found the UK “crackdown on Hamas support” disturbing. Donelan demonstrates exactly why it is right to be disturbed. The UK “crackdown” has meant that any person who expresses support for Palestinian liberation or who critiques the actions of the Israeli state, past or present, can and will be treated as “supporting Hamas.”

There would be so much, then, that we would not be free to say or do, because of how it will be dismissed as terrorism or as “support for Hamas.” We are right to be disturbed by the attempt to stop those who support freedom for Palestine from speaking.

Saree Makdisi has described with breath-taking clarity the violence Palestinians speaking to the Western media are not allowed to speak of, “What we are not allowed to say, in other words, is that if you want the violence to stop, you must stop the conditions that produced it. You must stop the hideous system of racial segregation, dispossession, occupation, and apartheid that has disfigured and tormented Palestine since 1948, consequent upon the violent project to transform a land that has always been home to many cultures, faiths, and languages into a state with a monolithic identity that requires the marginalization or outright removal of anyone who doesn’t fit.”

We need to listen to Palestinians, to hear about the violences that would otherwise be left unsaid.

Donelan also calls the communications of another academic “extremist” because she used words the “apartheid” and “genocide” with reference to Israel.

These terms are used widely with reference to Israel for a reason.

So what else are we being told? I can hear what else we are being told.

When we are told calling enforced racialised segregation Israeli apartheid is extremism, we are being told Israeli apartheid is not extremism.

When we are told that naming extreme violence genocide is extremism, we are being told genocide is not extremism.

When human rights lawyer, Craig Mokhiber, the director of the New York Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, resigned he described what Israel is doing in Gaza as “a textbook case of genocide.” He also said, “The European, ethno-nationalist, settler colonial project in Palestine has entered its final phase, toward the expedited destruction of the last remnants of indigenous Palestinian life in Palestine.”

I understand the need to make this claim “a textbook case” but I still shuddered when I read it. As if that it is a textbook case makes it clearer or more real.

We don’t need a textbook or a definition or the law, even, to call it what it is.

The extremism that won’t see itself. The extremism that says it is not extreme to murder tens of thousands of people,  to see a whole people as combatants, not as civilians, as human animals, a threatening dark mass of humanity,  calling them, “the children of darkness,” themselves the “children of light.”

When some people just have to exist to be seen as threatening, their calls for freedom heard as expressions of a genocidal intent, existence is resistance.

But the marches are happening all over the world because people are seeing it, which also means that people, many, many people, many more, are making it harder for the violence not to be seen, the violence of colonial occupation

It takes a collective.

Has done, will do.

I remember saying (it’s a killjoy truth, even) this.

There is only so much we can take on because there is only so much we can take in.

Sometimes, we need to take it on even when we can’t take it in: to take it on as to take it out, to get out, to protest, to express ourselves.

To share our solidarity with Palestine.

All over the place.

I am grateful for all the people who are doing that: sharing words and solidarity, Black feminist solidarity, getting themselves onto the streets, into train stations, Sisters Uncut, Jewish Voices for Peace, stopping the traffic, becoming the traffic, chanting for Palestinian freedom, speaking up, speaking out, sometimes risking their own livelihoods in doing so. I am grateful for podcasters who are doing that, speaking out, speaking up, for radical publishers (also here), who are doing that, sharing resources on Palestine, a history, ever present.

We need these resources. We need each other more than other to show up, turn up, however we can, in our queer ways, so they cannot contain it, the violence, the injustice, the sheer abject cruelty, the devastation of a place and a people, screen it out, the blinds down.

I learn from Audre Lorde.  I always do. I reread her 1982 address  “Learning from the 60s,” given as an address to Black people on the occasion of Malcom X weekend at Harvard University.  Lorde says in her address that “revolution is not a one time event” but means becoming ever “vigilant for the smallest opportunity to make a genuine change in established outgrown responses.” In this address, Lorde gives an account of the times she is living in.

We are Black people living in a time when the consciousness of our intended slaughter is all around us. People of Color are increasingly expendable, our government’s policy both here and abroad.  We are functioning under a government ready to repeat in EI Salvador and Nicaragua the tragedy of Vietnam, a government which stands on the wrong side of every single battle for liberation taking place upon this globe; a government which has invaded and conquered (as I edit this piece) the fifty-three square mile sovereign state of Grenada, under the pretext that her 110,000 people pose a threat to the U.S. Our papers are filled with supposed concern for human rights in white communist Poland while we sanction by acceptance and military supply the systematic genocide of apartheid in South Africa, of murder and torture in Haiti and EI Salvador. American advisory teams bolster repressive governments across Central and South America, and in Haiti, while advisory is only a code name preceding military aid.

Decisions to cut aid for the terminally ill, for the elderly, for dependent children, for food stamps, even school lunches, are being made by men with full stomachs who live in comfortable houses with two cars and umpteen tax shelters.  None of them go hungry to bed at night. Recently, it was suggested that senior citizens be hired to work in atomic plants because they are close to the end of their lives anyway.

Can anyone of us here still afford to believe that efforts to reclaim the future can be private or individual? Can anyone here still afford to believe that the pursuit of liberation can be the sole and particular province of anyone particular race, or sex, or age, or religion, or sexuality, or class?

Lorde’s words echo as wisdom in history, her descriptions of her time, too relevant to our own. She calls for us to pursue freedom for all. It is an urgent call, a question turned into a bolt of electricity, to anyone of us here. I  hear in Lorde’s call for anyone of us here, to be committed to revolutionary change in the work we do, with our full selves and with each other. Lorde says, “To refuse to participate in the shaping of our future is to give it up. Do not be misled into passivity either by false security (they don’t mean me) or by despair (there’s nothing we can do). Each of us must find our work and do it.  Militancy no longer means guns at high noon, if it ever did. It means actively working for change, sometimes in the absence of any surety that change is coming. It means doing the unromantic and tedious work necessary to forge meaningful coalitions, and it means recognizing which coalitions are possible and which coalitions are not.  It means knowing that coalition, like unity, means the coming together of whole, self-actualized human beings, focused and believing, not fragmented automatons marching to a prescribed step.  It means fighting despair.”

I learn from Lorde and many others what it means to fight for change, to be in solidarity with Palestine, to form coalitions across our differences, keeping them in mind, making them meaningful, to march but not to a prescribed step, to fight, and to fight despair.  We become vigilant for the smallest opportunities for change before they close like windows.

We work for change whether or not it is coming.

Because that is the right and just thing to do.

Yes, each of us can only so much. Together, we can do more.

#SolidaritywithPalestine. #FreePalestine. #EndIsraelliApartheid #EndtheOccupation #CeaseFireNow

 

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Killjoy Truths

I write this post in solidarity with Palestine. I express my solidarity as a feminist killjoy, in my own terms, on this blog. To express solidarity with Palestine is to be a killjoy, wherever we are. We get in the way because of how we mourn, or who we mourn, becoming a problem because of what we point to or because of the violence we refuse to pass over, the violence of colonial occupation, the violence enacted right now against people in Gaza by the Israeli state.

We are willing to get in the way.

I write this post as a no, made all the louder because of how it is shared with so many others, all over the world, no to the Israeli state, no to those standing in alliance with the Israeli state, no to those who justify the violence unleashed against Palestinians, no to the dehumanising rhetoric that has its own colonial history allowing that violence to be enacted, legitimated, by not being seen.

To see the violence can be to unlearn how it is not seen. To see unseen violence is to be a killjoy at work.

I often use killjoy as an adjective: not just as a way of being someone doing things but as a way of describing what we are doing.

Killjoy Solidarity: solidarity in the face of what we come up against.

Killjoy Solidarity: the solidarity we need to face what we come up against.

Such solidarity would not be safe in abstraction, warm and fuzzy, a way of feeling something without doing it. It would be a call to action and to attention, keeping at the front of our consciousness the reasons we need to be in solidarity, the violence, the material realities of suffering, ongoing colonial occupation, the brutality of state racism.

I learnt this from Audre Lorde: sometimes we have to stop what we are doing to register the impact of violence, violence as structure not an event. In an interview with Adrienne Rich, Lorde describes how she was listening to the radio in her car, and heard about the acquittal of a white police officer who had murdered a black child. She says she had to stop the car to get her feelings out. That expression took the form of a poem called “Power.”  Lorde took it in, the violence of the police in, the violence of white supremacy in, to get it out, to get it to us.

I was going to write something else today. Then I couldn’t. I had to stop what I was doing to write this instead, this post, this killjoy truth, a solidarity statement with Palestine. I write this statement as a feminist and queer scholar of colour based in the UK, whose family are from Pakistan, brown Muslims who had to leave their home in the midst of the violence they called Partition, to express my killjoy solidarity with those fighting for the lives, for Palestinian liberation, right now.

Right now, there are many of us protesting even though some of us have been prohibited from doing so. Our governments are trying to stop us from assembling, from expressing our solidarity with you, from chanting for your freedom, from waving your flags. To protest is also to protest those who try to stop us from protesting, who are complicit in the violence being enacted against Palestinians.

We refuse. Collectively. We are saying no to that.

For me, killjoy solidarity is a killjoy truth, a term I introduce in The Feminist Killjoy Handbook. This is the last truth in that book.

Killjoy Truth: The More we Come up Against, The More we Need More

The more we need more. The more we need each other. We need to become each other’s resources.

I also call killjoy truths hard worn wisdoms: it is what we know because of what keeps coming up. Our exhaustion with something is how we know so much about it – trying experiences as a revelation of structure.

A killjoy truth is also what is hard to know, what we might resist knowing because of what we sense we would have to give up. There are so many ways we can “not see” violence even when it is being directed at us, let alone when it is directed toward others. We can inherit ways of not seeing violence – dismissing words or actions as small or trivial, explaining violence away: it didn’t mean anything, he didn’t.

We have to open the door.

I think of a conversation I had with a woman of colour. She was being harassed by her supervisor. At one level, she knew what was happening: killjoy truths are often those we first feel in our bones. Bones can guide you. So, she knew enough to know to keep the door of the office open during supervisions. But it was hard to admit what he was doing. She feared she would “take [herself] down by admitting to the violence he was enacting.” To admit can mean to confess a truth and to let something in. To admit violence can feel like killing your own joy, getting in the way of your own progression.

So, she closed an actual door. But, she also closed the door of her consciousness, trying to handle the situation by shutting out what he was doing. When handles stop working, the truth gets in. It can be a shattering. It can hit you. It is harder to see what takes longer to see. And, if to admit something is how it becomes real, it can feel like you are the cause of it. It can also require work: to recognise the situation you are in as harassment is to realise how much you will have to do to get out of it.

Killjoy truths can be what you have work to admit yourself.

Killjoy truths can be what institutions refuse to admit about themselves.

A complaint can be the effort to make the institution admit it, let it in. But then: you come up against the institution. So often: you end up out.

Hence all the doors in these stories. Those who are stopped see what stops them. Doors, also blinds. Another person I interviewed described the architecture of the university: the doors with locks on them, windows with blinds that come down, the narrow corridors. The architecture of power. I think of one woman who was physically assaulted by her head of department. She complains but he is cleared of wrong doing. How? In the report the violence is described “on par with a handshake.” On par, equals equal.

The violence of an action is removed by how it is described. 

Description as a blind.

It is not that we don’t see the violence because the blinds are down.

The blinds come down because the violence is seen.

Unseen violence is not simply violence that is not seen. Unseen violence is an action. You have to unsee something because it is seen. A complaint can be an effort to make the violence seen, to bring it out. A protest, also, can be an effort to bring the violence out, to make it public by creating a public.

Killjoy truths: what are revealed to us when we try and reveal the violence. We learn how that violence remains unseen, behind closed doors, covered by the materials, the blinds we might call ideology, from what happens when we say no to it, when we complain or protest.  If you raise the blinds, or try to, or open the door, or try to, revealing a violence that many are invested in not seeing, you become the cause of it. That’s how killjoys often appear: as if they are the cause of the violence they reveal.

Sometimes, what we shut out, so that we can do our work, so that we can focus or function, is what institutions shut in. That’s how our truths, killjoy truths can end up under lock and key, in the institutional closets we sometimes call filing cabinets. We become killjoys at work when we work to get these truths not just out of ourselves but institutions. If the truth would damage the reputation of an institution, we need to be willing cause damage. I call that a killjoy commitment.

The nation too has many closets; the British empire, also. It is well known that the British government ordered the destruction of  thousands of documents from its archives, records of colonial crimes that “might embarrass Her Majesty’s government” or that could “embarrass members of the police, military forces, public servants or others eg. police informers.”

Killjoy Truths: What they do not want revealed.

They removed evidence of violence. A removal is successful when evidence of the removal is also removed. I sometimes call this polishing, empire as world-polishing, empire as a polished story, told by removing the violence.

Perhaps that’s why our stories matter so much. We become the evidence. Our bodies, our memories, our stories, colonial archives. And so, they try and contain us, to stop us from expressing ourselves. Our killjoy truths: in expressing them, we shatter the containers.

There are many ways that state violence, colonial violences are made to disappear from view, not seen.

We see the blinds come down.  We see them see it. We see how they stop seeing it.

I think back to my career as a feminist of colour academics, the blinds I have seen coming down. I shared this story in the handbook:  It is my first year as a lecturer in Women’s Studies. I am in the top room of the fanciest building on campus. We are seated around a large rectangular table. The meeting is for the approval of new courses. I am there because I have a new course on Gender, Race and Colonialism being considered.  Most of the courses are approved without much discussion. When my course comes up, a professor from another department begins to interrogate me, becoming angrier as he went on. And he went on. I was there, seated at the same a table as he, a young woman, a person of colour, the only brown person in the room. The word in the course description that triggered his reaction was the relatively uneventful word “implicated.” That I had used that word was a sign, he said, that I thought that colonialism was a bad thing. He then gave me a lecture on how colonialism was a good thing, colonialism as modernity, that happy story of railways, language and law that is so familiar because we have heard it before. I think of this as a killjoy encounter not because I spoke back in response to what he said when he said it, I did not, but because I could hear from his reaction that what I was doing, was speaking back, refusing to tell that story, that happy story, of imperial progression.

Not to tell that story, the happy story, is to be positioned as stealing not just happiness but history.  We know we are supposed to gloss over these histories, the violence that led us to be here. We smile for their brochures; smiley, happy, shiny brown faces.

Or we don’t. We learn from how we are received when we don’t gloss over the violences that make it hard to be here. Perhaps it is not surprising, given what I learnt that I ended up out of it: the institution, that is.

That killjoy truths are shut out by institutions because of what they would reveal about them is how some of us are shut out.

We are shut out for truth telling.

And so, we assemble to bring these truths out. We come out with it. We come out with them. That’s why they are shutting the door. They don’t see it like that. They won’t use the words to describe it – the Nakba, genocide, ethnic cleansing- as if without the words to describe what is happening it is not happening. We use those words, Nakba, genocide, ethnic cleaning because that is what is happening.

A shut door

To the truth.

What else is being shut out? Who else?

Shutting the door to the violence enacted against the Palestinian people by the Israeli state is also shutting the door to other violences, shutting the door to our complicity, the complicity not just of present governments, but past governments. The injunction not to speak of the violence being enacted against Palestine and in Gaza is the same injunction not to speak about the violence of British imperialism, that history that is present. Those of us living and working here whose families came from former British colonies, know this injunction, we recognise it, because we know what follows failing to meet it.

I think back to the professor who heard a no in use of the word implicated. We make no the implication of our work.

We say no to that. We take it out.

We have to remove the polish from the picture, not be the polish in the picture.

We remove the polish of the past or from it. I suspect most of us living and working in the UK are not taught by schools about the role of British imperialists in determining what happened in and to Palestine. We most likely are not taught about past deals made by government officials, premised on utter disregard for Palestinian people, the Sykes-Picot treaty of 1916, the Balfour declaration signed on November 2 1917.  I borrow the word disregard from others. Palestinian journalist Ramzy Baroud describes how he heard the name Balfour, as a child growing up in a Gaza refugee camp,  because the anniversary of the declaration was a day of shared protest. He concludes: “While Balfour cannot be blamed for all the misfortunes that have befallen Palestinians since he communicated his brief but infamous letter, the notion that his ‘promise’ embodied – that of complete disregard of the aspirations of the Palestinian Arab people – is handed from one generation of British diplomats to the next, the same way that Palestinian resistance to colonialism is also spread across generations.”  The late Palestinian scholar Edward Said described the Balfour Declaration thus “made by a European power … about a non-European territory … in a flat disregard of both the presence and wishes of the native majority resident in that territory.” In “Zionism from the Standpoint of its Victims,” Said summarises this history for us with characteristic precision, “Imperialism was the theory, colonialism the practice of changing the uselessly unoccupied territories of the world into useful new versions of the European metropolitan society. Everything in those territories that suggested waste, disorder, uncounted resources, was to be converted into productivity, order, taxable, potentially developed wealth.” He notes that the Zionist attitudes about “the Arab Palestinian natives” were “more than prepared for in the attitudes and the practices of British scholars, administrators, and experts who were officially involved in the exploitation and government of Palestine since the mid-­nineteenth century.”

When we hear how Palestinian people are being talked about now, it is history we hear, our history. “Human animals.” “Not a humanitarian crisis.” Not ethnic cleansing” because they are “not humans.” “Not civilians.”

A people as a target.

We can deplore the violence that occurred on October 7th; we can mourn for lives stolen. But this violence cannot be used to obscure the violence that came before, nor the violence that came after. We have to refuse to shut the blinds on this history, the ongoing violence of settlement and displacement, how violence is used to remove Palestinian peoples from what they have left of their land. We need to see the violence of an open-air prison that is Gaza, of fences, and borders, and police. We need to see the violence of not having what you need, food, water, electricity, medical supplies.  We need to see the violence of having nowhere to go, shelters, when bombs fall as well as the violence of bombs that fall. Or if we don’t see it, what we need to see, we commit ourselves to learning. Solidarity requires giving attention to what demands it, the violence of colonial occupation.

Killjoy Truth: We see in the violence that is seen, the violence that is not.

We see the violence of how people turn away from the violence, turn away from those who suffer the consequences. We will not turn away. Solidarity also means being willing to keep opening that door, to the hardest most painful truths, the violent colonial histories that are kept present, violence that is still.

I write this post also in deep admiration for Palestinian people, for your resistance, and with rage against the world that demands it.

#FreePalestine #KilljoySolidarity

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In Conversation with Judith Butler

Since the launch of The Feminist Killjoy Handbook in March of this year, I have been taking #FeministKilljoysOnTour to share some #KilljoySolidarity.

I am looking forward to the US edition of #FeministKilljoysOnTour to coincide with the publication of the handbook by Seal Press on October 3rd. I will share details on my website in September.

I am pleased to share the audio recording of an event from the earlier tour, a Conversation with Judith Butler that took place on April 28th at Cambridge University.  It was a warm, uplifting and rather overwhelming experience. I was originally intending to transcribe the conversation, but I realised so much of it would not be captured by being written up. So you can listen here.

This conversation gave me another chance to thank Judith Butler for the gift of their work.

What a killjoy joy it is to know you are out there.

I am sharing below my introduction to our conversation.

And thanks to Lucy Van De Wiel for this photo taken just after the conversation.

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Thank you for being here, for being part of this conversation. My name is Sara Ahmed and today I will be in conversation with Judith Butler and we hope as well to leave time and space for you to join in the conversation if you so wish, to share thoughts and feelings.  A conversation needs a space. Thank you so much to Q+ for providing this space, for providing so many queer spaces, so we can assemble together. I think of queer spaces as small pockets we open up within institutions so we can breathe more easily within them. If we need these pockets to survive the institutions that remain hostile environments for many of us, it is still work, institutional work, even, to make them. Thanks especially to Sarah Franklin and Lucian Stevenson for that work. Creating queer space is precious and painstaking work and it can also be a source of queer joy, or what I sometimes call killjoy joy, the joy of crafting worlds by making room for those who are not accommodated.

A conversation needs a space. A conversation is a space. I feel as if I have been in conversation with Judith Butler in one way or another since I took up my pen and began to write my way into existence.  Judith and I previously had a conversation almost a decade ago, over email; the editors of the journal Sexualities asked me to ask Judith about Gender Trouble. I remember so well your response to the first question, which was that you found questions about Gender Trouble “odd” because you “never reread” your own books. I remember being rather impressed by the firmness of the “never”!  And yet we talked of how books have many lives in part because of where they go, who they find. Maybe today we might talk of how our own lives become entangled with the lives of books as readers, as writers, as both. Most of my conversations with Judith, admittedly, though, have been inside my own head. Some of these conversations came out in words, on pages, as citation. Concepts can be craft: the concepts Judith has given us, shaped and sharpened by use, provide materials to help us to do our own work. I think of how I reused your definition of performativity from Bodies that Matter to describe what I called non-performativity: how words do not bring into effect what they name (words like diversity, for instance).

To be in conversation with someone else’s work over a sustained period of time can be a queer kind of intimacy, you are not on the same page but you are catching something, a thought or an idea that does not come to you with crisp edges, as clarity or revelation, but more slowly or gradually in turning the pages, by sustaining the engagement. Perhaps how we write together sometimes in proximity, sometimes not, is another way of talking about the project of living together. In Undoing Gender, you write “I am speaking to those of us who are living in certain ways beside ourselves, whether it is in sexual passion, or emotional grief or political rage. In a sense, a predicament is to understand what kind of community is composed of those who are beside themselves.” You keep teaching me in your work, including in your most recent book, What World is This?  In which you use the phrase, “strangers in grief,” that collectivity can be a way of being beside ourselves, beside each other, responding as best we can to a crisis that is shared. Sharing is not always warm or fuzzy, or happy; it can be hard and painful and bumpy.

Still, I have killjoy joy to be speaking with Judith in person, to be sharing this space with you all. The impetus for this conversation is the publication of my book, my first trade book, The Feminist Killjoy Handbook.  In the last month or so, I have been taking feminist killjoys on tour, visiting bookshops and theatres; where I go, feminist killjoys are coming with me. The handbook is a collection of killjoy stories, assembled because of how many of you came with me, stories of how we become the problem when we point to a problem of we when give that problem its name, sexism, transphobia, homophobia, ableism. I call this a killjoy truth: we have to keep saying it because they keep doing it. But we are heard as the ones repeating ourselves, a broken record, stuck on the same point. We don’t even have to say it before eyes start rolling. I turned that into a killjoy equation: rolling eyes equal feminist pedagogy.

And yes we do laugh. And we say it more. And we need more to say it. That more can be who is behind us. Citation is feminist memory. The handbook brings together many authors who have given me killjoy inspiration. Judith’s work appears throughout and I also include Gender Trouble and Precarious Life in my recommended reading list for feminist killjoys at the end of the handbook (I only allowed myself to pick two for any author). Sarah Franklin introduced Judith on Wednesday by reading out the first paragraph of their PhD dissertation. I am not going to go that far back, but I do want to read out two sentences from the preface of Gender Trouble. Judith wrote, “To make trouble was, within the reigning discourse of my childhood, something one should never do, precisely because that would get one in trouble. The rebellion and its reprimand seemed to be caught up in the same terms, a phenomenon that gave rise to my first critical insight into the subtle ruse of power: the prevailing law threatened one with trouble, even put one in trouble, all to keep one out of trouble.” Judith taught me that we need to be in trouble or to be the trouble we are assumed to cause, to trouble the prevailing laws, the rules that tell us where we can go and who we can be, even if being in trouble is to risk being reprimanded, caught up in the same terms. Perhaps we become trouble makers, queer trouble makers. Queer troublemakers, feminist killjoys, we are assembled here. I know I could only write The Feminist Killjoy Handbook because of who is assembled here, because of all the trails that have been left behind by those who deviated from the paths they were told to follow.

Trails, and other queer tales. We will begin the conversation with Judith asking me some questions about The Feminist Killjoy Handbook. Judith has a book coming out next year Who’s Afraid of Gender, which is also their first trade book, which they spoke about with such feminist and queer fierceness on Wednesday.  This book is going to be such a gift for us, helping us to handle something, the anti-gender, anti-trans and anti-queer and neo-fascist movements as they manifest globally, by giving us to the tools to diagnosis how they work. So, the conversation might also move to the act of sending work out into the hostile environments that work is about. And then, who knows, we will follow a queer feminist trajectory, which means ending up in unexpected places. Over to you, Judith.

 

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